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Part
3  ADMINISTRATOR
IN AFRICA
1951–1956:
TANGANYIKA
I
spent nearly five years in the Colonial Service in Tanganyika,
serving in seven different districts. Government policy was
not to leave officials for long in any one district: usually
the longest period one could hope for was one ‘tour’, which
averaged two and a half years. The rationale behind this
policy was that a long stay would lessen objectivity, the
officer becoming too closely identified with the local people.
The result was that few officers learnt any local vernacular
language: we all became proficient in Swahili, which sufficed
for most occasions, but it was by no means the lingua
franca
then that it is today. My being both junior and a single man,
when most of my colleagues were married, meant that I was
transferred even more frequently than the average. Relatively
short postings meant that I had few opportunities to make
anthropological enquiries; these would have needed both longer
postings, and more ‘free’ time.
Tanganyika
had been ruled as German East Africa for nearly thirty years,
until the end of World War 1 when it became a protectorate of
the League of Nations, with Britain being the administrative
body. After World War 2 it became a United Nations Trusteeship
Territory, still administered by Britain. This UN status
differed only a little from the ‘regular’ British colonies:
Tanganyika was under the Colonial Office, and periodic
inspections by UN teams were meant to ensure that the rights
of the local people were upheld.
TANGANYIKA,
1950s
Unlike
in neighbouring Kenya, with its more fertile land, there was
only a handful of white settlers, concentrated in two or three
of the higher parts of the country. A few Germans had
remained, and there were a small number of Afrikaners from
South Africa, as well as Greeks, Indians and Lebanese, the
last three being mainly in trade.
In
preparation for coming out to Tanganyika I was advised to
visit a colonial outfitter in London, where I was given mostly
inappropriate advice. I bought a sun helmet and a red flannel
‘spine pad’ (supposed to protect one’s spine from the harmful
effects of the tropical sun), neither
of which I used. I also bought a portable hip-bath with a
wicker basket inside, which proved useful for packing small,
fragile items on safari; a small canvas washbasin was,
however, invaluable. My maroon cummerbund, when bound around a
white shirt, was adequate for formal evening wear. I also
bought, on the advice of well-meaning friends, a .22 rifle
(‘you can shoot guinea-fowl’) and a recorder (‘you should have
a musical instrument to play’), neither of which lasted long.
I declined to buy a white tropical uniform with a white
helmet; in the event I never really needed one. I was thankful
though that the colonial outfitters persuaded me to buy an
elegant pair of boots, made of light leather and covering the
legs up to the calves, providing excellent protection against
the abundant evening mosquitoes.
I
set out for Tanganyika in July 1951, routing myself via South
Africa so that I could see my father in Durban. Ouma and I had
a good voyage out to South Africa, arranging to travel on the
same Union-Castle mail ship as the Evans-Pritchard family:
E-P, Ioma and their six children. I taught the twin
five-year-old boys to swim, and I had long conversations in
the late evenings with E-P, walking on the deck while he told
me about his days in Cairo, in the Sudan, and later in North
Africa among the Sanusi. Another memorable passenger was my
Durban High School English teacher, Neville Nuttall, so I was
able to introduce two of my three most important mentors to
each other (the third was Monica Wilson). I served daily mass,
in the dining room, for the Provincial of the Jesuits in
Southern Africa. And I became friendly with one of my first
gay couples, returning from a holiday in Morocco, which they
had chosen because they wanted to visit a country with a
predominantly dark population where being white had no
particular advantage.
We
arrived in Cape Town in September 1951,
three years after the National Party had taken power, and had
begun implementing apartheid. On disembarking, I wanted to
telephone a college friend, and I noticed that the telephone
booths at the docks were all marked Europeans
Only
or Non-Europeans
Only.
Wishing to make a protest, I used one for ‘non-Europeans’;
when I emerged, I realised that I had been using the only
telephone for non-Europeans, and that my futile protest had
merely served to inconvenience an old coloured man, patiently
waiting for me to finish, and not daring to use the ‘whites
only’ telephone.

E-P with Zande boys in the Southern Sudan, 1927-1930
photo: Pitt Rivers' Museum
We
disembarked in Durban, and Ouma settled herself in a flat
there. I had a good reunion with my father; then boarded an
intermediate Union-Castle liner, bound for England via the
East Coast. We made one stop, at Isla do Mozambique, a
charming old Portuguese colonial city, where my fellow
colonial cadet Bill Tulloch and I had a happy day, having to
be summoned by sirens to catch the last ferry to our boat. I
disembarked at Dar es Salaam, the capital city of Tanganyika,
staying a few days at the New Africa Hotel, enjoying the new
tropical sights, and practising my Swahili. I presented my
visiting card (‘Mr. D. W. Brokensha, Provincial
Administration’) at the Governor’s residence and also at the
Office of the Chief Secretary, who warned me not to be too
hard on white settlers or prospectors, telling me that South
African officials tended to compensate for their country’s
discriminatory policies by being unduly harsh with the white
settlers and traders, who, as he pointed out, also had rights.
After
a few days in Dar es Salaam I boarded the train for the two
day journey to Tabora, the headquarters of the Western
Province. The journey on the slow, wood-burning train was my
real, exciting introduction to rural tropical Africa. In the
1950s communications, including railways and postal services,
were slow, but reliable.
During
my short stay in Tabora, the District Commissioner (DC)
invited me to join the hunt for a lion, which had been killing
the pigs of a white farmer. Being no hunter, I was not
thrilled at this assignment, but I thought it best to comply.
Another cadet (as newly-arrived
district officers were called) and I spent most of the night
crouching in long grass, with our borrowed rifles, waiting for
the lion, which, I am happy to say, did not appear.
I
was only once again involved in a hunt, when I was visiting
Kigoma, on Lake Tanganyika, and local people had asked the DC
to kill a hippo that had been destroying their crops. I joined
a small party of hunters, including the Belgian consul, an
avid hunter, who fired at the hippo, but, to my relief, he
missed. I appreciated that it was our duty to see that the
crops were not damaged, but I thought that there must be other
ways than by slaughtering this great animal.
KAHAMA
There
were fifty-six districts in Tanganyika, and in October 1951 I
was posted to Kahama, north of Tabora, where the local people
were Nyamwezi. Cadets were not eligible for a loan for a
personal vehicle during their probationary period, so I
travelled on an administration truck. I spent three months in
Kahama, becoming familiar with the duties of a district
officer.
I
lived in a tumbledown house where I slept on the verandah,
supposedly protected against insects by netting which was
broken in many places. At night I was often disturbed by
strange noises, and I looked them up, using my torch, in R
Lydekker’s The
Game Animals of Africa.
This fine 1908 volume enabled me to identify my nocturnal
visitors, including civet cats and genets, porcupine, hyena
and once a magnificent leopard. When I had identified my
visitor, I would return to sleep, despite the flimsy
protection of the netting. I soon learnt, too, that in the
mornings, before putting on shoes, I needed to tip them up and
shake them, to dislodge any lurking scorpions. It was an
adventure for me, I expected to be in strange and exotic
locations, and I was prepared to put up with what was offered:
it was all part of the romance.
My
colonial homes varied greatly, most being better than this
first one. Few of my early stations had electricity: we
depended on Tilley or Aladdin paraffin lamps for illumination,
and we had paraffin refrigerators.
Hot water was provided, quite satisfactorily, by a boiler
consisting of two 44-gallon drums, the lower one for firewood,
the top one for water.
During
my five years in Tanganyika, the period of my short stay in
Kahama was my only unhappy experience because the DC and I did
not get on. Almost as soon as I arrived, I was told, as a
‘thirdclass magistrate’, with limited powers, to take a court
case in which a man was accused of cutting down a mninga
tree
(Pterocarpus
bussei),
a valuable hardwood tree and a protected species. I asked the
DC what sentence I should give, and he replied, pompously,
‘Oh, I could not possibly discuss this case with you, it would
be most unprofessional.’ At all my other stations, the DC and
DO cheerfully discussed cases and appropriate sentences.
This
case was my first personal experience of the vast gulf between
ruler and ruled, of the myriad cultural misunderstandings.
Forestry laws protecting certain species had been passed, but
the accused had almost certainly not heard about the new
regulations. He lived in a remote area, and his people had for
generations been accustomed to using the
mninga
hardwood for furniture and for building. He readily admitted
that he had cut down the tree, to make a chair; the
prosecuting police officer (with whom I was friendly, we
played tennis together) suggested a fine of twenty shillings
or ten days in jail. I worried about the stoical young man,
and I visited him in prison every day, to make sure that he
was alright – which he was. Both he, and the sergeant in
charge of the small prison, thought that my behaviour was odd.
A
more serious conflict arose when I was invited to dinner at
the DC’s house. Seven of us had dinner on the veranda, others
including the senior District Officer (the DO1), and his wife,
together with three bachelor officials – the police officer,
the agricultural officer and myself. All were ‘Europeans’ and
all were dressed formally, the men in jackets and ties, even
in that tropical heat and humidity. It was the time of the
1951 general election in Britain when the Tories (the
Conservative Party, under Winston Churchill) defeated the Labour
Party and regained power. When we heard the news on the radio,
the DC stood up and proposed a toast to the new government. I
declined to stand, saying that as colonial administrators we
should not be involved in British politics. I was correct, but
the pompous DC never forgave me and after that we were barely
on speaking terms. Probably most of my colleagues voted for
the Conservative Party, but I never felt obliged to hide my
own views – I have always voted for the Labour Party in
Britain, even today when I have many reservations about Labour
policy. I managed, with the help of the DO1, to minimise
contact with the DC and I found congenial company with others.
I
soon got used to dealing with court cases, which concerned
minor offences, when the accused, as often as not, admitted
guilt. I had been told that one of my duties might be to
witness a hanging, if an accused person had been sentenced to
death. To my great relief I was never called on to do this
fearsome duty: I am not sure whether in conscience I could
have done so. (My father, a judge in the Natal Native High
Court in South Africa, had pronounced the death sentence many
times; he and I never talked about this.) In one of my court
cases a twelve-year-old boy was accused of stealing from a
storeroom. With some reluctance, I sentenced him to three
strokes. I had to witness the punishment, which was
administered by a sergeant of the police, who carefully placed
a cloth soaked in antiseptic over the boy’s buttocks. I had
been tempted to ask the sergeant not to make the strokes too
hard, but that proved unnecessary.
On
Saturdays I made my regular round, inspecting the small
clinic, the market, the shops and the prison, to make sure
that all was in order. Prisons in the stations where I was
posted were small and well run. I saw no brutality in these
prisons, which had no resemblance to the terrible overcrowded
prisons in many countries today. Besides inspecting trading
licences, and ensuring that litter was cleared away, the
important part of the walkabout was chatting with the
shopkeepers (mostly Indian) and to the Native Authority
officials.
In
Kahama I made my first acquaintance with missions, which
played an important role in Tanganyika, providing many of the
schools, hospitals and clinics. The missions varied in their
effectiveness; most of my contemporaries would agree that
generally the Roman Catholic and the UMCA (the Anglican
‘Universities Mission to Central Africa’) were the most
effective, partly because the staff remained at the same
mission for many years – sometimes as long as forty years.
They spoke the vernacular language fluently, and knew much
more about local history and society than we could ever hope
to learn, in our short stays. However, we had to be careful
not to rely too much on the missionaries’ interpretation of
people and events, which, understandably, tended to give
prominence and sympathy to their own adherents. Although
relations between missionaries and colonial administrators
were generally cordial, sporadic quarrels did occur – for
example concerning the use of child labour by the missions. It
was common practice at mission schools for the pupils to help
with cleaning the classrooms and the school compound. But some
enthusiastic missionaries ordered schoolchildren to do an
increasing range of tasks, such as helping with building, or
the upkeep of roads – until officials felt bound to step in.
I
had to take care not to allow being a Catholic to influence
any of my official decisions. Protestants and Catholics
competed over permission to open schools, the rule being that
different denominations could not have schools within five
miles of each other. One Catholic missionary told me that he
preferred to deal with Protestant officials, because Catholics
like me tended to be hard on Catholic applications, just to
show that we were not biased.
The
nearest Catholic church – a mission church – was eight miles
away, and I had no motor car, but the Senior District Officer,
Major Mitchell, was a Catholic and took me to mass with his
family. We were the only white people in a congregation of
several hundred Nyamwezi, and the French-Canadian priest would
give his sermon in kiNyamwezi. Sitting immediately below the
pulpit, the Major would
impatiently and ostentatiously tap his watch if the sermon
went on too long, and the priest would hurriedly wind up.
Although embarrassed by this, I never remonstrated with my
colleague because I had had a problem with this priest. I used
to play tennis with his junior priest, Jean-Michel, also
French-Canadian, and like me new to the country. We enjoyed
this as a welcome Saturday afternoon break, but the senior
priest decided that Jean-Michel and I were becoming too
friendly, and told him to stop seeing me. So I put up with the
Major’s peremptory curtailing of the Sunday sermons.
Tanganyika,
like most of the British colonies in Africa, had adopted the
policy of ‘indirect rule’. We really had little choice,
because the few hundred British administrators could not
possibly have used any form of direct rule. We confirmed the
appointment of chiefs, whom we paid, and in return they were
obliged to undertake many duties, the main one being the
collection of taxes. Many African societies (including those
in Handeni, where I later spent over a year) had never had
traditional chieftaincy, so there were initially serious
problems in getting the people to accept the authority of the
government-appointed ‘chiefs’.
While
I was at Kahama, I had my first thrilling experience of
safari, a term that could mean any journey, but usually
referred to an overnight stay. The Governor, Sir Edward
Twining, decreed that all rural administrative officials
should spend at least ten nights per month out in the
district. He maintained, validly, that we could not understand
the people if we spent all our time in the boma
(the
administrative headquarters). By making regular safaris to all
parts of the district, we came to know the people better. This
suited me very well, although some of the married officials
missed their families. When on safari I sometimes slept in the
open, but usually in one of the small mud and thatch rest
houses available at each of the Native Authority locations. I
had neither a weapon, nor an armed escort, and I never felt
any fear when I was in the bush.
Once
I put up my camp bed under a tree, on the outskirts of a
collection of huts. I was awakened in the middle of night by a stinging
sensation in my legs, accompanied by distressed squawks from
the village chickens. On shining my torch, I discovered that
we had been invaded by a column of safari ants, and soon all
the villagers were stamping, swatting and cursing as we all
tried to get rid of these tenacious and fierce insects.
On
one of my first safaris, I was approached at night by a
clearly frightened man who said that his name was Omari, and
that the game ranger, who employed him as a cook, and who was
camped nearby, had beaten him. In the morning I had an
unpleasant interview with the ranger, who angrily told me that
he wanted to charge Omari with desertion. I told him that
there would be a counter-charge of assault causing grievous
bodily harm. He then withdrew his charge and said that he
would not employ Omari again. At the time I had no cook, so I
employed Omari, who was a sweet man but a hopeless cook, and I
was relieved when I was transferred a little later to Kasulu,
because this gave me an excuse to leave Omari behind. I felt
bad, but not for long.
I
met a few other Natural Resource officials who had little
sympathy with Africans, being concerned only with the resource
(game, forests, or water) they were charged to protect.
However, most of them eventually came to recognise that local
people did have rights, and that compromises were in order.
During
my first months in Kahama I tried to play my recorder, but
after struggling, excruciatingly, with Bobby
Shaftoe’s gone to sea … he’ll come back and marry
me,
and getting nowhere, I gave up.
Tennis
was a favourite occupation, tennis courts being found at most
stations. I recall one Saturday afternoon when several
visitors were present, a young African girl, about fifteen
years old, walked behind the tennis court, on her way home
from fetching water at the river. She was not self-conscious,
singing sweetly and softly, water from the pot on her head
having spilled on to her kanga,
so that her beautiful young figure was clearly silhouetted.
Both players and spectators turned to watch her, the men
gazing spellbound, while the wives sadly watched their men.
I
took my .22 rifle on a few late afternoon walks, seeing many
guinea-fowl but not managing to shoot any. My heart was not in
it, so I disposed of both recorder and rifle, and set about
living my own life, not one imposed on me by the expectations
of others. I reminded myself of my POW resolve not to be
‘pushed around’. I slowly got used to alternating periods of
elation and excitement, with fewer times of loneliness and
doubts. Whatever my mood, I was never bored: there was always
so much to do, so many new experiences.
KASULU
After
three months at Kahama I felt discouraged, largely because of
the hostile and unhelpful attitude of the DC. By one of the
many happy coincidences of life, John Beattie, my friend from
Oxford, came to see me on his way to do anthropological
fieldwork among the Bunyoro of Uganda. John had spent eight
years in the Tanganyika administrative service, and (without
my knowledge) communicated my doubts and misgivings to the
Provincial Commissioner (PC). The PC apparently decided that I
was worth saving, and sent his administrative assistant to see
me. The result was that I was transferred to Kasulu, another
district in the Western Province, which bordered with the then
Belgian-administered territory, Urundi, now Burundi. As far as
I was concerned, the PC could not have made a better decision.
My
new DC, John Leslie, was experienced, kind, and humorous. He
and his wife Elizabeth immediately made me feel welcome and
useful; I could not have wished for a better guide in my new
career. The DC’s home was an old German fort, dating from 1906
– very romantic in a Beau Geste way – where I was entertained
hospitably on many occasions. Although it was certainly
romantic, with grand views over the countryside, the house was
not very practical: when the Leslies went on leave, the new
DC, who had a family, opted to live in a new bungalow: his
wife was afraid for the safety of their children, with the
fort’s unprotected stairs, terraces without railings and
a generally inconvenient design. Because the DC did not live
in the fort, I was able to move in and enjoy it in solitary
splendour for a few months.
It
was at this time that a colleague discovered the new 33 rpm
‘long-playing’ gramophone records, and sold me a hundred of
his old 78s. The forestry officer, who also liked classical
music, and I had some happy evenings, sitting on the terrace,
a glass of Tusker beer in hand, taking it in turn to wind the
gramophone, and gazing out at a grand expanse of Africa.
John
Leslie and I alternated going out for a week’s safari, so that
we saw each other only at weekends. John knew the district
well (its population was then about 200 000) and encouraged me
to see as much of it as I could. As a DO, I was known as
Bwana
Shauri,
which meant that I looked after the shauris
or problems of local people. John encouraged me to settle as
many of the complaints as I could. When I asked him what I
should do if a man wished to see the DC personally, but had
nowhere nearby to stay, John told me that I could accommodate
people like that in the prison for a few days. One man
complained that the chief had fined him unjustly, and he
wished to appeal to the DC, whom he insisted on seeing
personally. He had no relatives with whom he could stay, so I
took him to the prison – and I forgot all about him. When John
was inspecting the prison, later, he asked the man (who by
then had served two weeks, without hard labour) what he was
doing there he was told, ‘Bwana
Shauri
said I should wait here until you came.’ John laughed when he
told me this, but advised me to keep a note in my diary in
future.
The
alternate weeks, spent at the boma
(administrative headquarters), were occupied by attending to
the many people, mainly men, who came with complaints or
questions. We set aside a stipulated time for these
petitioners; each one took a long time to settle. By the time
I arrived at the boma,
at 7 a.m., there would be a line of men, and occasionally a
few women, waiting for me. The clerk would already have done a
preliminary sorting, deciding which people I needed to see.
The role of clerks, like that of the chiefs,
was difficult, demanding exquisite tact if they were not to
become unpopular, and even risk being bewitched. They acted as
gatekeepers or brokers, a difficult balancing act.
Part
of the week was set aside for hearing court cases. I had
authority to try minor criminal and civil cases, with a
maximum sentence of three months’ imprisonment. During this
probationary period all my court reports were reviewed by a
High Court judge. I was glad that my father did not see some
of the judge’s scathing comments: none of my sentences was
altered, but I was often reproved for my sloppy court
procedure. For example, I might neglect to write (court
records were hand-written) and sign, at the appropriate
section, ‘ROFC’, indicating that I had ‘Read Over (to the
witness) and Found Correct’ a witness’ statement. John Leslie,
always kind and helpful, encouraged me to master such details,
and I gained confidence.
The
week at the boma
also involved dealing with correspondence, the most important
being that with the PC, who was usually understanding about
our problems, having invariably been a ‘bush’ DC himself.
There was also contact with Departments (Prisons, Public
Works, Police, Tsetse Fly, Water, Game, Forestry, Health,
Education) at Dar es Salaam, where many officials had no idea
of the constraints under which we worked, often making
unrealistic demands on us. This ‘periphery/centre’ conflict is
a universal one, and we – like soldiers at the front – were
convinced that we knew what was best to do, and what was
possible. The office clerk, in those days always an African
man, typed the correspondence, and looked after the yellowing
files. My relationship with the clerks was always close,
particularly during my first year, when I relied heavily on
their experience and advice. Even experienced officers, when
arriving in a new district, were careful to listen to the
clerk, who might well have been in that job for many years,
and who would know certain details, especially about the local
people, and their relationships and past histories, that would
not appear in the ‘ Handing Over Notes’, which the outgoing DC
would have written for his successor.
I
had a happy time at Kasulu, improving my Swahili and learning
more about the district. I was intrigued by Teresa, Paramount
Chieftainess of the Buha, the main group in the district.
Mwami
Teresa
belonged to the minority Watusi cattle owners, who lorded it
over nearly 300 000 WaHa, (spread over both Kasulu and Kibondo
Districts) in a situation similar to that of the Tutsis and
Hutus in Belgian-administered Ruanda-Urundi. Fortunately,
Tanganyika’s independence was not followed by the tragic
conflicts that occurred in the neighbouring territories though
both Kasulu and Kibondo now have large concentrations of
refugees. Mwami
Teresa
was an educated, confident and forceful young woman, who
handled her elders – and us, the colonial officials – with
great skill. Anthropologists have examined the difficult
‘interstitial’ or broker role of African chiefs: difficulties
would arise because of the chiefs having to balance two
often-conflicting demands and expectations, those of their own
people, and those of the Administration. Another important
player – or ‘stakeholder’ in today’s parlance – was the local
White Fathers’ Catholic Mission; one of the old Dutch priests
had known Teresa’s father, and had taught Teresa at school.
Teresa was superb in maintaining an appropriate balance
between the conflicting demands.
I
loved the safaris, usually travelling in a GT (Government
Transport) three ton lorry. When I accompanied Richard, the
Agricultural Officer, who had a Land Rover, we were glad of
each other’s company. We would go about our respective
business at each chieftaincy, then meet in the evenings,
learning from each other’s experiences. Of all the other
departmental officials, I invariably found the agricultural
officers the most congenial; they knew the most about the
local people, and did not seek blindly to impose their views.
Once,
Richard and I were dropped off in the western section of the
district, and walked for two days, near the Gombe Chimpanzee
Reserve (later made famous by Jane Goodall’s pioneering
long-term research among the chimpanzees), to Lake Tanganyika,
where we had arranged to be collected by the official launch,
Imara.
We felt grand,
enjoying a gin and tonic under the awning, with the Union Jack
fluttering in the breeze, while the Imara
headed for its home port of Kigoma. We justified this
marvellous safari to our superiors by pointing out that the
admittedly small lakeside population had seldom been visited,
and indeed we were able to recommend some much needed
improvements.
A
remarkable German lady, with an extensive knowledge and love
of English literature, ran the Dar es Salaam Bookshop, which
dispatched parcels of books all over Tanganyika. She soon got
used to my tastes, so I could leave the selection to her; each
month she posted a batch of six to eight eagerly-awaited
books. They arrived regularly, coming by train from Dar es
Salaam to Kigoma, then by railway bus to Kasulu.
One
day, when I was at the boma,
I heard excited voices outside; a young man had brought in an
adolescent female chimpanzee who clung to him nervously. The
man told me that he had found the animal in the forest;
possibly her mother had been shot, or captured by poachers, in
the Gombe Chimpanzee Reserve. The elders had told him that he
should bring it to the boma.
I was unable to look after it – I was looking after a
colleague’s dog and also I was away on safari for much of the
time. I remembered John Leslie’s advice about using the prison
as a temporary home for strangers, so I walked with the young
man and the chimpanzee to the prison. The gates were open,
with about thirty prisoners waiting for their lunch. The
chimpanzee dashed off and threw her arms around one of the
older prisoners, Kilungu, who was waiting trial for murder. He
accepted his new companion as though he had been expecting
her.
Kilungu
had walked from his home to the boma
two
months earlier and told me his story. He had a young wife, and
when he was at the market, drinking beer, he heard the young
men joking about how the wives of elderly husbands always had
young lovers. He realised that this was directed at him and he
walked home, flung open the door of his hut, and found his
wife in a young man’s arms. ‘I killed him with one blow and
then I walked here. I know what the penalty
is and you should hang me. I had to do this and I have no more
to say.’ Kilungu was astonished at what seemed to him a very
cumbersome procedure. First he had to make a voluntary
statement before me, and then I told him there would be a
Preliminary Inquiry (PI) when witnesses would be called and a
judge would review the record and decide if he had to go to
trial at the High Court. Kilungu said, slowly and distinctly,
‘I killed that man. I told you why I did it. Now you must hang
me.’ The PI lasted several days, because we had to call many
witnesses – the men present at the beer drink; the dresser who
testified about the wound made by the spear; the chief, the
clerk, the messenger, the policeman – everybody who knew
anything about the case had to come to court to give evidence.
After hearing each witness’s testimony, Kilungu was asked
whether he wished to cross-examine any of the witnesses, or
ask any questions. He bore all this with dignity and patience
but also with scarcely concealed disdain.
Kilungu’s
meeting with the chimpanzee changed his life; he ceased being
impatient and bored and took a great interest in his new
companion, making sure that she had bananas and fresh maize,
and the chimpanzee slept at his feet at night. Knowing that
Kilungu would not attempt to escape, we allowed him out for an
evening’s walk, when he and the chimpanzee would take a gentle
stroll, hand in hand, a poignant pair, but I knew that their
happiness could not last for long.
A
game warden who was fond of orphaned animals agreed to take
the chimpanzee. I arranged that Kilungu and she should travel
together to Tabora, the provincial capital, he to face his
trial, she to be met by my friend. The last I saw of them was
Kilungu, composed and grave, sitting at the back of the GT
three ton truck, with his companion sitting close to him and
firmly clasping his hand for reassurance, while looking out
eagerly from her solemn brown face. The chimpanzee settled
down with the game warden, and the judge found extenuating
circumstances at Kilungu’s trial, sentencing him to two years’
imprisonment.
Once
a year, all the District equipment, which was meticulously
inventoried, would be inspected by a ‘Board’ of three colonial
officers, two of whom came from other departments – not from
the Administration. At a large station, a Revenue Officer
would come from provincial headquarters, specially for this
important annual check. A rigorous physical inspection of each
item ensued, to ensure that the inventory was correct. The
Board was empowered to ‘write off’ any items that were clearly
beyond repair. If nothing else, our administration was frugal:
it was only the thinnest hoe blade, the leakiest karai
– a metal bowl used for many purposes – the most threadbare
tunic, or the wobbliest chair, that was ever written off.
Visiting Kenya and Tanzania after independence, Bernard and I
were shocked by the profligate waste – Land Rovers would be
left by the roadside after they had been damaged in a minor
accident; typewriters abandoned when there was a malfunction.
When I remarked on this, a clerk at the University of Dar es
Salaam told me, ‘Oh it is alright, the Swedes will give us a
new typewriter.’
I
was awoken one night, before I had moved into the fort, by a
violent shaking of my bed, with pieces of the ceiling tumbling
down around me – fortunately the mosquito net draped over the
bed protected me. At first I thought that some of my
colleagues had had a jolly evening, and were shaking my bed,
then I realised that it was an earthquake. Slipping on a
dressing gown, I peeped outside, not being sure what the drill
was: I did not wish to appear nervous. However, my neighbour,
the DO1 and his wife, with her young baby, were outside and
clearly alarmed, so I joined them, waiting until the
aftershocks subsided. In the light of day, I could see that
our houses had not suffered serious damage, but I had to move
out, to the rest house (for visiting officials) for a few
weeks, while repairs were being done. I shared the rest house
with an American missionary and his wife, whose house had been
destroyed in the earthquake. Seeing me practising my Swahili
one morning (I did this to escape boring conversation with
him), he told me that he did not need to learn Swahili,
because he ‘spoke in tongues’. He could not have been
very proficient, because when his house had been rebuilt, he
moved back and a short time later his congregation burnt it
down. It was difficult for me not to feel some schadenfreude.
At
this time I was confused about my sexual identity, although
that phrase was not then in use. I had had a few sexual
encounters with other young men at university, but I was also
attracted to women, and on the voyage out I had met, and been
attracted to, a young woman, M, whom I invited to Tanganyika,
where she stayed with my District Commissioner and his wife.
(In those days, it was unthinkable that she could have stayed
with me.) I had asked her to marry me, and been accepted, and
ironically it was my religion that doomed the affair. M came
from a devout Anglican family (she later married an Anglican
priest) and she could not accept the ruling of the Church that
any children would have to be brought up in my faith. At that
time (1952) the Church did not encourage ‘mixed marriages’.
Looking back, I regard the breaking off of our relationship as
providential: I now know that I am basically and irrevocably
homosexual; I would not have made a good husband, and it would
have been terribly unfair on M. Ironically, she would have
made an outstanding District Commissioner’s wife, being
competent at almost everything, with a sunny temperament,
socially easy with all whom she met, enjoying the simple
safaris, calm in herself, and brave, patient, resourceful and
resilient.
SAFARI
What
did I do when I went on safari? The main purpose was to check
on the Native Authority (the chief and other staff) and the
Native Treasury, which was responsible for collecting tax (a
major source of revenue) and for paying employees. Other
routine checks were made on schools, clinics, building works,
roads, markets and shops. We often stayed at mission stations;
sometimes it was difficult to get away from the hospitable
missionaries; they saw few people from the outside world and
were reluctant to let us go on our way.
Here,
based on a surviving letter to Ouma, are some of my other
tasks:
- Attesting
contract labourers for the coastal sisal estates – labour
recruiters were allowed to enlist young men prepared to make
the long journey to the coast and to do the arduous work of
cutting sisal, in order to earn money. Many of them were
illiterate, so it was my responsibility to read the
contracts, and to make sure that the labourers understood
what lay ahead for them.
- Authorising
tax exemption for older men, and enrolling young men who
were old enough (18 years old) to be on the tax register.
- Arranging
for porters to be supplied to carry sleeping sickness
patients to the clinic.
- Discussing
any personal problems of the staff – who included game
scouts, forest guards, school teachers, road foremen and
‘dressers’. These men (or, occasionally, women) often had
queries or complaints about pay, allowances or housing,
requests for transfers, for new uniforms or bicycles.
- Finding
two men to look after a roadblock to serve as a tsetse fly
picket – they would search all vehicles for tsetse flies,
which had to be captured with a net and destroyed.
- Asking
the chief to find a beekeeper, prepared to go to provincial
headquarters for a month-long course.
- Checking
up on equipment, including bicycles, and road-building
tools.
- Calling
on Asian traders and also on missionaries – the former would
offer a welcome cup of tea, made with sugar and condensed
milk and tea leaves, all boiled up together.
Malagarasi
safari
The
Malagarasi River rises seven miles from Lake Tanganyika and
runs in an enormous loop for five hundred miles, passing
through both Kasulu and Kibondo Districts, then entering Lake
Tanganyika. I was intrigued by the course of this great river,
particularly after reading two articles in Tanganyika
Notes and Records
(TN&R).
This journal was
published twice a year by the Tanganyika Society, founded in
1936 ‘to promote the study of ethnology, history, geography,
natural history and kindred sciences in relation to
Tanganyika’. The journal included a marvellous Victorian
miscellany, with articles on seashells, seaweed, salt, iron,
canoes, bark, ships, Arabs, Germans, churches, Indians, Islam,
witchcraft, music, vegetation, tsetse flies, snakes, railways,
volcanoes, rock paintings, and famine. Many administrative
officers contributed accounts of their safaris, two concerning
the Malagarasi. TN&R
also
carried ethnographic articles, mostly written by colonial
officials, with a few by professional anthropologists,
including Philip Gulliver and Hans Cory. (My first
‘publication’ – a footnote to an article, Mwariye:
a Sacred Mountain of Tanganyika –
was written when I was stationed at Kibondo, and was published
in TN&R
No 36, in January 1954).
In
August 1942, JP Moffett, then District Commissioner at
Kibondo, set out to determine whether the Malagarasi was
navigable between the ferry on the Kasulu–Kibondo road and the
railway line. In his TN&R
article, A
Raft on the Malagarasi,
he described the large herds of game, and the hippos which
were a ‘constant menace’ on his trips on his home-made raft.
Although he wrote ‘I am far from being a good shot’, he did
regularly shoot game with his ‘heavy .425 rifle’. He concluded
that the river was not navigable, but he clearly enjoyed his
safari, writing that ‘the best moments of the day are the
start in the early morning, and in the evening, when bathed
and refreshed, one emerges from one’s tent and sees all round
the friendly flickering fires of the porters, a cosy little
island of security in this wilderness of bush … [and] one
forgets the maddening tsetse.’ Moffett also had to ‘arrange
for the removal of the last 350 families to sleeping sickness
concentrations’. He was delighted to encounter some of the
little-known and shy people, the Wakiko
wa Wanyahoza,
whom he named ‘the Water Gypsies’.
In
1947 Captain CHD Grant wrote, also in TN&R,
The
Valley and Swamps of the Malagarasi river, Western Tanganyika
Territory.
He noted ‘numerous water birds, sitatunga [marshbuck], hippo,
crocs, zebra,
topi [tsessebe], buffalo, roan antelope and reedbuck’. Grant
also mentioned that the river was eighty feet wide when it
reached the railway at Malagarasi Station.
As
well as reading these articles in TN&R,
I spoke to many people who had been moved from this area
because of sleeping sickness, which had taken a heavy toll.
Sleeping sickness, or trypanosomiasis, is caused by the bite
of a tsetse fly. Its incubation period is two weeks, and, if
untreated, most cases end in death. Early treatment, involving
a painful lumbar puncture, is effective. Because of the rising
death toll, the government decided to relocate all the people
living in the area. The move, though unpopular, was
reluctantly agreed to, largely through the efforts of the
patient Sleeping Sickness Officer, the only American citizen
in government service in Tanganyika. The tsetse fly was
believed to depend on its main host, game animals, so the only
other way to tackle sleeping sickness (which affects both
domestic livestock and people) was thought to be the
devastating slaughtering of all game in the affected area.
This approach was adopted in the 1920s in the Umfolozi area in
South Africa, culminating in the killing of 100 000 animals in
1947. After this doubts set in and the process was halted.
I
was eager to see this wilderness for myself and I proposed
that I do a three week safari to investigate the feasibility
of a road through this area, going to some lengths to show the
potential benefits of such a road. The Provincial
Commissioner, to my joy, agreed to my making the trip,
although he later told my DC that he knew that the road was
impracticable, but that because I was doing a good job, he had
been prepared to humour me.
The
logistics of such a safari require two porters to carry food
for everyone carrying other loads. I had no difficulty
enlisting porters, because the men who had been resettled,
both young and old, were keen to see their ancestral homes.
Not wishing to appear arrogant, I wanted to keep to a minimum
the loads being carried for me, foregoing a tent (it was dry
season), and proposing to leave Kayanda, my old cook, behind.
But he told me that I could not manage on my
own, and insisted on coming with me. As a veteran of many foot
safaris, including some with pre-WW1
German administrators, Kayanda also insisted, to my eventual
relief, that I take a folding chair, and a canvas wash-basin.
Kayanda himself, not about to give up any luxury, ended up
with more porters than I did.
Many
of the African officials also wanted to join the safari, and I
was happy to allow the game scout and a dispenser to accompany
us, even though each additional person meant engaging more
porters. We set out with a total of thirty-seven men, who, in
their eagerness to see their old homes, set off singing
happily, with me feeling very ‘Sanders of the River-ish’. I am
glad to have had the privilege of seeing this part of ‘the old
Africa’ with all its wildlife; I tried to reconstruct in my
mind the lives of the local people, and what their
interactions with the game had been.
Before
World War 2, foot safaris were common: good roads were rare
and walking was accepted as the best way to see one’s
district. But by the time that I arrived in Tanganyika in
1951, a long foot safari was quite unusual and I count myself
extremely fortunate to have been allowed to do this – it was
an unforgettable experience. The game scout shot ‘for the
pot’, ensuring a good supply of meat. But the porters could
not understand why I, a white official, who was permitted to
shoot almost everything in sight, not only had no rifle, but
restrained the game scout from killing more game than we
needed. The porters started telling me early on ‘this is where
Bwana Moffett shot his first buffalo … this is where Bwana
Moffett shot his first roan antelope …’ If their stories were
true, Bwana Moffett must have done a great deal of killing.
However, I suspect they were exaggerating, hoping to goad me
into allowing more shooting.
We
soon got into a routine, breaking camp at dawn and walking in
the cool of the day, stopping in the early afternoon when it
was hot and the porters were getting tired. Guided by the
older men, who knew the area well, we always camped at
well-wooded and well-watered locations. We saw huge herds of
buffalo as well as elephant and almost all the antelopes,
including the water-loving sitatunga antelope,
and at night we would hear lion and hyena. At no time did I
feel in danger – I was in the company of such knowledgeable
men, and I had the game scout as protection. In camp there was
also the comfort of the ‘flickering fires’. Looking back, I am
mortified that I had no special interest in birds, for the
bird life was prolific.
As
Moffett wrote, the early morning and the evenings were the
best time of the day. We saw the remains of small villages,
which the older men would excitedly point out to their younger
relatives, explaining who had lived there. Eventually we
reached the Malagarasi River, where we had arranged to meet
our lorry at Malagarasi Station – a few miles away, on the
other bank of the river. The river was certainly more than 80
feet wide and I asked the men whether Bwana Moffett had swam
across. Bwana,
haiwezikani, ni hatari sana …
(‘No sir, it is too dangerous, there are crocodiles and
hippopotamus’). With boyish bravado I stripped, told them to
tell the next traveller that this is where Bwana Brokensha
swam across, and I plunged in. I was relieved to see that a
canoe had set out from the other bank to accompany me, but I
was not prepared for my welcome: as I climbed out, naked, on
the other bank, I was greeted by a group of ululating women. I
clutched a bunch of leaves as covering and greeted them as
solemnly as I could.
The
rest of the group was ferried across the river in canoes, the
lorry was indeed waiting, and after many dusty hours, we
reached home, the men keeping their spirits up until the end.
What made this safari so special was partly that the mood of
the porters was so cheerful, they were delighted to have the
opportunity to visit their old homes again – normally this was
a closed area, because of the real danger of sleeping
sickness. I had to do no dragooning, nor persuading; it was
more a matter of selecting the strongest men, but ensuring
that I included some older men, because of their experience of
the area. Afterwards the dispenser urged the men to report to
the clinic if they noticed any threatening symptoms, such as
headaches, fever or joint pains: we had all been bitten, many
times, by the tsetse flies. We told the men that Dr Taylor, a
specialist in the treatment of sleeping sickness,
who worked at the Seventh Day Adventist Hospital, could cure
them if they reported in time. I also checked myself, a little
anxiously, but fortunately none of our party became infected
with sleeping sickness. As far as the projected road was
concerned, it was clear – to no-one’s surprise – that it would
have been far too costly.
Soon
after this epic safari, a new cadet came out from Britain and,
on one of his first walks near the boma,
was unfortunately infected with sleeping sickness. He was
cured, however, after some painful injections. Since there was
no permanent doctor in Kasulu, Dr Taylor supervised our Native
Authority dispensaries; he was a most impressive man. I
accompanied him on safari once, watching him treat yaws,
ulcers and leprosy, as well as seeing the patients whom the
‘sleeping sickness scouts’ had brought in, with suspected
sleeping sickness. At one of our stops, at a market, a madman
emerged from the small crowd, brandishing a panga
(machete) and threatening Dr Taylor, who remained composed,
talking quietly to his assailant in kiHa, the local
vernacular. While Dr Taylor kept the conversation going, his
assistant crept behind the man, deftly throwing a blanket over
his head, and restraining him. Dr Taylor paused only to make
sure that the madman was taken to hospital, and not harmed by
the now angry crowd. He seemed surprised when I congratulated
him on his bravery. (Fifty years later, I was delighted to
meet his son, Bill Taylor, a dentist and writer, in Bulawayo.)
KIBONDO
After
spending nearly a year in Kasulu and beginning to understand
the district and its problems, I was disappointed to be told
that I was to be transferred a hundred miles to the north to
neighbouring Kibondo, a district similar both physically and
socially to Kasulu.
There
was again a Catholic Mission five miles away, but no Catholic
colleague to drive me, so I used to walk to mass. It was a
rewarding experience. As I walked, I joined an ever-growing
throng of men, women and children, all happily talking to each
other, and to me – although the older people spoke no Swahili,
only kiHa.
Some
of the faces of the older women, especially, were radiant with
joy, and I thought how beautiful they were, wrinkles and all.
These times gave me some idea of how the early Christians must
have felt. After mass, the Dutch sisters would invite me to
breakfast. They were memorable Sunday mornings.
When
I arrived at Kibondo, there was a shortage of housing because
of the recent earthquake, and I was allocated a large bell
tent which had a small annex as a bathroom. Shortly after my
arrival, my Cambridge friend Julius Lister stayed with me for
three weeks.
Julius’
arrival coincided with a visit to Kibondo by a seventy-yearold
hunter coming to have his hunting licence endorsed, allowing
him to shoot one elephant in the district. He invited Julius
and me to accompany him. First, to ensure that Julius and I
knew how to handle a rifle, the hunter set up small targets
(the bases from tins originally containing fifty cigarettes)
and carefully watched our shooting: we passed the test. I
think the old hunter wanted us to cover his back. Both Julius
and I were glad to have had this brief experience of a hunting
safari, which included two days tracking the elephants in
thick bush, before the hunter found and shot his elephant. I
was saddened by the death of the elephant, but we had had
requests for ‘something to be done’, because the elephants
were raiding and destroying the crops.
While
Julius was staying with me, I took local leave, so that we
could go on the hunting safari, and also to allow us to visit
neighbouring Urundi. We had a hair-raising journey with an
Indian trader, who drove furiously on the rough winding
mountain roads, but were rewarded with a few days at Bukavu,
then a calm and beautiful small town on Lake Kivu, which in
recent years has witnessed many bloody killings and conflicts.
We stayed with an Indian businessman who had the most complete
collection of classical records I had seen. ‘What shall I
play?’ he would ask, and he was delighted when he could meet
most of our requests.
Julius
had arranged to board a lake steamer at Mwanza, a port on Lake
Victoria, two hundred miles to the north, from where he would
cross the lake, and go by train from Kisumu to Nairobi, to
board an aircraft for Britain. Public transport on the road to
Mwanza was scarce, and I was still relying on government
transport, which I could not use for personal trips. (Later,
in independent East African states, Bernard and I were shocked
to see how both government officials and development aid
workers blithely used ‘official’ vehicles for personal trips
to night-clubs, game parks or beaches. It was a different
culture, when the rules were ‘internalised’, and one did not
dream of breaking them.) One chief, with whom I was friendly,
and who had liked Julius, insisted that I borrow his 1938
Chevrolet car, one of the very few private vehicles in the
district, so that I could drive Julius to Mwanza.
After
Julius left, I suffered my first bout of malaria. While lying
on my bed in my tent, I had a visit from the medical officer,
who was making one of his infrequent visits. When the doctor
bent over me to examine me, I commented that his tie – even in
the bush some officials, including this doctor, wore a tie –
seemed familiar, and I was told that it was a Wadham College
tie. I told the doctor that I had also been at Wadham, and he
later said to the DC, ‘Brokensha must be in a bad way; why, he
didn’t even recognise his old college tie.’
HANDENI
Soon
after I had settled in at Kibondo, I was told to report to
Handeni, in Tanga Province, in the north-east of Tanganyika.
Handeni was about six hundred miles as the crow flies from
Kibondo but more than a thousand miles on the circuitous route
that I had to take. From Tabora I went by train to Dar es
Salaam and then by road to Handeni. A domino effect had come
into play, affecting transfers: if one officer (or his wife)
became ill, and needed to be replaced, this often resulted in
several men being moved around. As I explained, I was
especially vulnerable to transfers being both junior and
single.
My
disappointment at leaving the Western Province soon changed
when I met my new colleagues, Randal Sadleir, the ebullient
Irish DC, and John Ainley, the effective Agricultural Officer.
Both men later
wrote books about their time in Tanganyika, each writing at
some length about Handeni. I am still in touch with these two
good friends, Randal in London, and John in Yorkshire. As I
have indicated above, the personality, knowledge and
competence of the DC, and of other colleagues, made all the
difference in my various postings. Another favourable factor
was that I could now take out a loan to buy a short wheel-base
Land Rover – £600 at Gailey and Roberts in Tanga, the
provincial headquarters, a hundred miles away. This sum
represented my entire year’s salary but was well worth it for
the flexibility it gave me. Most up-country stations had an
inspection pit, so that we could do our own regular vehicle
maintenance. This was necessary when garages were often
distant, and sometimes inaccessible in the rainy season. It
was also good for the non-mechanically-minded such as me to
learn, under the patient instruction of the African
fundi,
the simple tasks that needed to be done.
In
another stroke of good fortune, I met and employed a young
local man, named Timotheo, to help me in the house. Timo soon
became a good companion as much as a servant, and he remained
with me until I left Tanganyika. He was relaxed, even laconic:
once, I asked him, probably a little testily, why he had not
performed some particular task. Sijui,
he answered, labda
nimesahau
(‘I don’t know … perhaps I forgot’), a useful tension-reducing
phrase that Bernard and I frequently used. On another
occasion, Timo and I discovered a snake on the veranda. I
thought it was a boomslang,
a venomous reptile, and asked Timo to dispatch it, saying,
‘You are the African, this is an African snake.’ With an
impish smile, and a hint of mockery, he replied, ‘No, you are
the bwana,
this is your job.’ While we were arguing, the snake slithered
away.
I
was allocated a spacious, pleasant house and immediately
tackled the garden. I had remarked, early on, that I saw
little point in gardening if I was likely to be moved fairly
soon. An older colleague rebuked me, ‘In Tanganyika you do not
garden for yourself but for your successors … we all hope to
find a pleasant garden at our new
station.’ Even with my meagre gardening skills, I could coax a
few of the old stand-bys to grow – zinnias, petunias, and
African marigolds.
Although
there were basic similarities in the pattern of work (the
alternating of safari and desk, and the types of problems
encountered), there were also great physical and social
differences in the seven districts where I worked. Handeni was
occupied by the Zigua in the south and by the Nguu in the more
mountainous north. There were also a few nomadic WaKwavi,
similar to the better-known Maasai, who wandered in with their
herds of cattle, to the alarm of the Nguu farmers. Although
the people, many of whom were Muslims, had had longer contact
with the outside world than had those in the Western Province,
much of that contact had been of an unfriendly nature,
including slaving raids. At first I found them reserved and
suspicious, but we soon got used to each other. As had
happened at Kasulu, the advice and guidance of my DC was
invaluable, saving me from many difficult situations. Like
Kasulu, Handeni had also been a German boma,
with some of the original buildings still standing. Near the
boma
was a poignant, trim cemetery,
maintained by a caretaker paid by the Commonwealth War Graves
Commission. It contained about thirty graves of soldiers who
had died during World War 1 – both German and British.
Handeni
boma
(District Headquarters), 1955. Photo: John Ainley
Shortly
before my arrival, Randal had supervised Tanganyika’s first
secret-ballot election, which had been a great success.
Handeni had a council consisting of nine chiefs, nine elected
members and nine nominated members. Such councils were by no
means ‘rubber stamps’, and it was essential for the smooth
running of the district that the administrative officers and
the council had cordial relations.
A
mile away from the boma
was
the market, a much larger one than I had previously known. The
most prominent Indian trader was Kheraj Bhimji, a genial
person who carried an amazing range of goods in his small
shop, and from whom we bought nearly all our basic supplies.
Once I was settled in Handeni, I invited Ouma to stay with me
for her first visit to tropical Africa. She was then aged
seventy-five, but stood up well to the journey and soon
adjusted to the community, getting on well with both the small
European community and also with the Africans and Indians whom
she met. I was proud of her easy manners and her adaptability,
and pleased to see how readily she was accepted.
Ouma
once let out a scream from the bathroom, when she found a
strange creature in the bath. She was a little impatient when
I insisted on identifying the animal (it was an elephant
shrew, which I had not seen before) in my invaluable Lydekker.
Once the animal had been identified and released, Ouma
continued with her bath. (I saw the beautiful elephant shrew
on only one other occasion, when Bernard and I were at Diani
beach, in Kenya, twenty years later.)
Soon
after Ouma’s arrival I returned unexpectedly to our home to
find an embarrassed Kheraj Bhimji on our veranda, with an
African assistant carrying a case of Scotch whisky. When I
shook my head, he said, ‘Oh no, this is not a present for you,
it is just to welcome Mama.’ He was not surprised when I told
him to take it back, the rules being strict and clear: we were
allowed to accept one
bottle of whisky at Christmas from our local trader and that
was that.
The
Universities Mission to Central Africa (UMCA) had a thriving
mission, with a school and a hospital, five miles away. There
I met the saintly Father Neil Russell, and the devoted Mission
sisters, who included a doctor. I have said before that there
was great variety in the missions; this UMCA Mission was one
of the most effective and it was appreciated by the
surrounding populace – who were mostly Muslims.
Randal
encouraged me to tour the district and to meet the nine
chiefs, and Zumbe (chief) Hemedi Sonyo – whose chieftaincy,
Magamba, was only nine miles away – soon became a close
friend. I learnt much from him, including a lesson in
courtesy: I once drove through Magamba without stopping to
greet him, because I was in a hurry to reach a further
destination. A few days later he cycled to the boma,
on his regular visit. On meeting me, he said, ‘People told me
that you drove by without stopping to greet me the other day
but I said this was not possible, you would not do that.’ Duly
rebuked, I apologised and I made certain that from then on I
always made time to stop for a cup of tea, usually accompanied
by Marie biscuits and hard-boiled eggs, and a good chat.
Zumbe
Hemedi Sonjo and my DC, Randal Sadleir. Handeni, 1954
Like
countless other junior colonial officials, I benefited greatly
from the wisdom and experience of older men such as Zumbe
Hemedi, always ready to dispense tactfully conveyed advice.
Ouma met Zumbe Hemedi, and became friendly with his senior
wife. As a farewell present, Ouma gave a brightly coloured
teapot and teacups to the family. When I visited them fourteen
years later, the tea set was still in use, as was proudly
demonstrated. David Nickol, who had been DC Handeni after I
left, visited Handeni in 2005, when he was in his
mid-eighties. He wrote to Randal:
Then
at Magamba we were taken to see the grave of the late Hemedi
Sonyo, the chief whom we all liked so well. I touched the
headstone three times, and thought of you all, almost in
tears. A crowd of about 80 soon collected, and I told his
grand-daughter, our hostess, how Zumbe Hemedi Sonyo once
honoured me by inviting me to an all night ngoma, which
culminated at dawn with a rain-making … and I imitated the way
he jogged and jigged down that slope with a club in his hand,
shoulders bent, surrounded by his elders and family … I think
they recognised the scene.
Having
seen Zumbe Hemedi in this posture, I could easily visualise it
too.
Handeni
has always been susceptible to drought and famine, and in
1953, after a serious drought, we experienced a grim famine.
With forethought, Randal had obtained funds to build grain
stores, where we kept maize as a famine reserve. I soon became
familiar with terms such as moisture content – a vital factor
in storing maize if it was not to rot. For some months Randal
and I, as well as John Ainley the Agricultural Officer, were
fully occupied in checking the availability of food in our
nine chieftaincies, supervising the distribution of grain, and
arranging road work as part of a famine relief programme. The
Native Authorities co-operated, with the exception of one
chief who blocked our efforts and failed to distribute the
famine relief food.
There
was no telephone then in Handeni, and one Saturday afternoon,
when we were playing tennis, a small aircraft – an unusual
sight, which stopped play – circled overhead, dropping a metal
container which held an urgent message: a Central African
Airways Viking aircraft, on its regular trip from Nairobi to
Johannesburg, via Salisbury (now Harare in Zimbabwe) was late
in its schedule, and would we search for it? Randal and I set
out in my Land Rover, the only four-wheel-drive vehicle in the
district, while John Ainley searched another route. We drove
to the chieftaincy of Kwamsisi in the south of the district,
one of the most rugged and least developed. With the help of
the chief we located the aircraft, which had crashed in the
most remote corner of our district, killing all five crew and
eight passengers. Leaving the chief to look after the site,
Randal and I drove to the coast, where we were able to send a
message, by telephone, confirming our grisly find. This was at
Sadani, a small fishing village where we had a most welcome
cleansing swim in the Indian Ocean; we felt we were washing
away the horrors we had seen. (Forty-five years later, at the
University of Cape Town, I supervised a Tanzanian student,
Rose Mwaipopo, writing her doctoral dissertation about
environmental problems in a coastal village. When I asked her
the name of the village she said, ‘Oh, you would not know it,
it is called Sadani.’ Rose was amazed when I told her the
circumstances of our visit to Sadani, many years before she
was born.)
Soon
after our return to the crash site, two accident investigators
from Britain arrived.

Rose Mwaipopo, a Tanzanian postgraduate student
in Social Anthropology at UCT at our home,
They
were accommodated in a luxury camp, the like of which I had
not seen, complete with generator, refrigerator and all manner
of luxuries – which we too were able to enjoy. One
investigator, who had had twenty years’ experience of such
accidents, told me that in all his investigations, which had
taken him all over the world, he had never met such honesty:
the local people brought in everything they found – watches,
jewellery, other valuable items, clothing, even money.
According to the investigator, at other accident sites local
people usually stole such items, either to sell or to keep as
gruesome souvenirs. We were proud of ‘our people’.
The
main witness of the disaster, a local farmer called Musa, had
been sheltering under a tree during a thunderstorm, when he
heard the aircraft flying overhead. He recognised it as the
regular weekly flight, the only one to fly over his farm. He
then described, graphically and onomatopoeically, how he heard
three loud bangs, reproducing each one with uncanny accuracy;
his reproduction was so realistic that, combined with the
ground evidence, the investigator conjectured that the three
bangs represented one wing falling off, the fuselage cracking,
then the other wing breaking away. Months later, Randal, and
Musa, who had never seen an aircraft at close quarters, flew
to Dar es Salaam for the official enquiry, Randal reporting
that Musa was ‘cool as a cucumber and greatly enjoyed the
flight … He gave his evidence calmly, clearly and with the
utmost conviction … his brilliant mimicking of the sound of
the Viking breaking up proved decisive in the court’s finding
that metal fatigue was responsible for the disaster.’
(Vickers, the manufacturers of the doomed aircraft, had
alleged that the cause was faulty maintenance by Central
African Airways.)
I
often went on safari with John Ainley. One of his main tasks
was to persuade the local farmers of the value of planting the
mandatory one acre of cassava as a famine reserve. Even though
everybody knew that Handeni was famine-prone, there was some
resistance by farmers to being told by a colonial official
what to do on their own farms. John and his team of twenty-two
agricultural instructors had
to exercise tact, seeking to persuade rather than to order.
The instructors, all local men, were vulnerable to being
assaulted, or bewitched, if they were too severe, or
overbearing.
When
we were on safari in the southern areas, we tried to finish at
the end of the week at Kwamsisi (where the aircraft had
crashed), so that we could drive the extra few miles to
Mkwaja, a fishing village on the coast, where we stayed the
weekend at the simple rest house. (Forty years later, John
sent me a brochure, advertising a luxury hotel at Mkwaja, ‘a
beautiful area with pure white sandy beaches, offshore islands
and coral reefs’. We considered ourselves fortunate, having
enjoyed Mkwaja when it was merely a remote fishing hamlet.)
Mkwaja was actually in the neighbouring district of Pangani,

John Aimley, reading the Times, Mkwaja beach, 1953
Mkwaja
beach, 1954
whose
friendly DC had given us permission to stay there whenever we
wished: as neither of us at the time had families to rush back
to, we made the most of this opportunity. I subscribed to the
airmail edition of The
Times,
and we appreciated the luxury of having no demands made on us
for a day or two, giving us time to read the papers from cover
to cover.
One
morning I was awakened at 3 a.m. by a messenger on a
motorcycle, He had come from Zumbe Musa, a young man who had
recently been elected chief of Mgera, two hours’ drive to the
north. Musa requested that I come immediately because the
nomadic pastoralist WaKwavi were threatening the Nguu people.
I hastily collected our veteran, impressive and unflappable
police sergeant Timothy, and two askaris
(policemen), and set out in my Land Rover, arriving soon after
dawn. An anxious Zumbe Musa explained that a local farmer had
been guarding his crops the previous evening, when he heard a
rustling noise, and, thinking it was an animal, shot an arrow.
But the noise had been made by a young Mkwavi lad, who had
been wounded by the arrow. Fortunately, the wound was not too
serious and the local dresser had dealt ably with it. But the
WaKwavi men, about fifty of whom were gathered outside the
courthouse, with their red cloaks and long spears, were
furious. Backed by a very prominent Sgt Timothy and his men, I
persuaded the WaKwavi to enter the court, leaving their spears
outside. Ranged opposite them were Musa’s elders, leaving Musa
and me seated at the bench on the platform.
Then
followed several hours of discussion. When the WaKwavi started
murmuring, like an angry swarm of bees, Sgt Timothy
ostentatiously breeched his rifle, to me a most comforting
sound. Eventually a compromise was reached: the farmer would
pay a goat in compensation to the father of the boy whom he
had wounded, and the same father would pay a fine for allowing
his son to trespass in the fields at night. Before this
incident, Musa and I had been wary of each other, I forget
why, but afterwards we became good friends, and trusted each
other.
Around
this time, Hugh Lamprey, a young game biologist, arrived at
Handeni to study baboon behaviour. He was particularly
interested in the extent of crop damage by baboons: locals
told us that baboons regularly ate one third, or even more, of
their maize. We had seen the results of a troop of baboons
raiding a field of maize, and this estimate seemed credible;
indeed, it was widely accepted. Hugh set up camp in various
fields, and meticulously observed what happened. After some
months of intensive and careful study, Hugh concluded that
baboons destroyed no more than two per cent of the crop. (Hugh
later became internationally renowned as director of a
training centre for game scouts and game rangers, and our
paths crossed again fifteen years later when he visited the
University of California, Berkeley.)
When
Hugh was leaving, he asked me to look after an orphaned baby
baboon, until he could arrange for the Game Department to
collect it. But the frightened creature escaped, running up a
big tree at the boma,
and getting its rope tangled around branches high up in the
tree. I looked at the crowd of government employees and
bystanders that had gathered; they looked at me, making it
clear that this was my
business, not theirs, so – watched by the expectant crowd – I
climbed the tree, with the baboon piteously shrieking and
spraying me with urine, until I disentangled it and put it in
a safe place.
The
Mau Mau war in Kenya was at its height in 1953, the result of
the bitter grievances of Africans, especially the main ethnic
group, the Kikuyu. After more than fifty years of colonial
rule, land dispossession and discrimination, the Kikuyu had
started an armed revolt, which was eventually repressed in
1956, with much brutality on both sides. I was told that I was
one of six District Officers in Tanganyika to have been chosen
for temporary secondment to Kenya. The ‘invitation’ was
couched in terms designed to make this seem like an honour,
but I declined, as delicately as I could, and, fortunately, no
pressure was put on me. I could not have faced that scene.
(Two years later, when I was at Njombe, I received a telegram:
AM
INSTRUCTED TO INQUIRE IF YOU WISH TO BE CONSIDERED FOR
IMMEDIATE SECONDMENT
TO CYPRUS FOR TWO YEARS.
I wanted to stay in Africa, and Cyprus was, at that time in
the middle of a civil war, so again, I had no hesitation in
politely declining.)
Towards
the end of my stay at Handeni, a telephone service, that
worked intermittently, was installed. By this time Randal had
collapsed from nervous exhaustion, leaving me as acting DC.
After the trauma of the famine, and of the air crash, I
decided to take two weeks’ local leave, intending to try to
climb Mount Kilimanjaro. While I was finalising arrangements,
I had an invitation that I could not resist, from Bill
Tulloch, my contemporary on the colonial course at Oxford, who
had been transferred to the island of Mafia, south of
Zanzibar. Bill, a bluff and larger than life figure, easily
persuaded me that I would find a visit to Mafia fascinating,
as indeed I did. I was accommodated in the spacious, cool, old
German boma,
where Bill was DC, and sole administrator.
Bill
drove me round the small island in his Citroën, introducing me
to the dignified Arab and African notables. I was intrigued by
reports in the district archives of early trade with China,
and organised an informal archaeological expedition. Waiting
for the extra low spring tide, Bill and I set out in the
government launch, with a party of twelve prisoners who were
happy to have a day out. We visited two beaches, which from
the records had good potential, and I supervised the prisoners
in searching for pottery on the beaches. At the end of our
outing, we had collected nearly a bucketful of
promising-looking fragments, which, when I later deposited
them at the Museum of Dar es Salaam, were enthusiastically
received and identified as Chinese and Persian, some going
back to the twelfth century.
Another
highlight of my visit to Mafia was my introduction to the
excitement of underwater snorkelling, and I managed to view a
remarkable variety of colourful tropical fish. Bill and I went
in the launch to promising reefs, being wary of the schools of
menacing barracuda that sometimes followed us – we asked the
boat crew to warn us when they came too close. Bill was an
effective and respected administrator, but he saw no point in
sitting in his office if
there was no work for him (Mafia had a small, and mostly
law-abiding, population) when he could have been enjoying
himself with me.
TANGA
After
one year at Handeni, I was transferred to Tanga, the
provincial headquarters of north-eastern Tanga province. Tanga
was a pleasant coastal town, with a good natural harbour, and
I was lucky in being allocated a fine bungalow in Ras Kazoni,
opposite the entrance to the harbour. The colourful garden had
tropical flowering bushes and shrubs, including Pride of
Barbados, frangipani, masses of bougainvillea and the
ubiquitous Cassia
siamea.
Ouma was still with me, and I was pleased that the faithful
Timo could join us from Handeni.
My
first DC was a rather formal, reserved man who, nevertheless,
taught me an important lesson in administrative manners. I had
on several occasions had long conversations with a man who was
both obsessed and confused. He wrote a series of rambling
complaints and eventually, irritated, I wrote a terse reply.
The DC, who read through all correspondence emanating from the
boma,
told me to write another letter, apologising for the curt
tone, inviting the complainant in to discuss the matter. He
told me that I should remember that we were servants of the
public, whatever the circumstances were. I duly wrote my
letter as directed, ending with the customary ‘I am, Sir, your
obedient servant’, leaving it for the DC to review. When I
went to collect the letter, I found that the DC had signed it
himself, providing a useful lesson; one that I did not forget.
I
continued my duties as a magistrate, soon finding that
litigation on the coast was immensely more complex than
anything I had hitherto experienced. Worst of all were
complicated disputes over palm trees, sometimes involving
large plantations, on other occasions just a few trees. There
was never agreement about ownership, both Arab and African
witnesses wove intricate webs of stories in which I soon got
lost; witnesses could often be bribed, and
the whole proceedings were usually observed by a large crowd
of critical spectators, who did not hesitate to give their
opinions.
Just
when I was beginning to despair of ever making sense of these
acrimonious disputes, a saviour, in the form of one Shabaan
Robert, appeared on the scene. An imposing, gracious Muslim,
he was one of the first African administrative officers to be
appointed. His official title was ‘Township Officer’ but he
soon unobtrusively took me under his wing, improving my
confidence and proving an excellent mentor. Even then he was a
published poet, and he later became famous for his classic
Swahili poetry. Shabaan Robert has been called Tanzania’s
national poet, and Randal Sadleir referred to him as ‘the
great and uncrowned Poet Laureate’.
In
addition to guiding me through the labyrinth of coastal
litigation, Shabaan Robert constantly and gently corrected my
Swahili, insisting that I speak the correct coastal Swahili.
On a visit to Tanzania, more than thirty years after my
lessons with Shabaan, I was congratulated on my spoken Swahili
when I visited Dar es Salaam; one man told me that I spoke an
archaic Swahili, which I took as a compliment and I felt that
Shabaan would have been pleased. My admiration and respect for
Shabaan Robert have coloured my views of Muslims ever since.
When I hear some of the hysterical post 9/11 generalisations
about evil Muslim fundamentalists, I remind myself of my two
wise and kind Muslim friends, Zumbe Hemedi and Shabaan Robert.
I
have written above on the influence on me of my DCs, John
Leslie and Randal Sadleir. Once again I was in luck, in
meeting John Allen, who was the next DC in Tanga. John, who
was older than the other DCs, was a man of immense rectitude.
Pressure had been put on him to approve a large-scale beach
development, including a luxury hotel, which would have
necessitated the removal of some fishermen, who would then
have been denied the use of the beach, on which their
livelihood depended. John, like Randal an accomplished Swahili
speaker, knew the fishermen well. He resolutely refused to
endorse the development, earning the displeasure of some
senior officials
(though not the Governor) at the Secretariat in Dar es Salaam.
His stubborn refusal to yield probably had negative results on
his career, but he later made a second distinguished career as
a specialist in Swahili at a British university.
Many
years later, in the course of a consultancy on the Kenya
coast, I heard of a move by a consortium of developers to
build a huge luxury complex at the lovely Diani beach, south
of Mombasa. Once more the local fishermen were threatened with
removal and losing their access to the beach. I was in no
position to make a formal protest, but I did write a letter to
the PC. I set out, as fully as I could, the case for the
fishermen, pointing out the probable and adverse publicity
that the proposed development would have. Although I received
no reply to my letter, I was delighted, a few months later, to
read a speech which the PC had given to his Provincial
Council. He declined to approve of the development, quoting
gratifyingly large sections of my letter – without any
acknowledgement.
Randal
had been involved in a similar conflict in Handeni, where
ancestral graves were located in the middle of a large sisal
plantation. The managers of the plantation wished to plough
across the burial site to make tractor access easier. Once
again pressure came from the Secretariat because sisal was one
of the mainstays of the economy of Tanganyika, the so-called
‘sisal barons’ wielding a baleful influence. Randal, like
John, stood firm, until eventually the Governor intervened and
upheld the rights of the local people. Randal had even invoked
the United Nations Charter, which supported the rights of
indigenous people in such conflicts.
MEETING
MY DESTINY
I
now come to the most momentous part of my stay in Tanga,
indeed of my entire time in Tanganyika: meeting Bernard Riley
in July 1954.
Despite
my liking the variety and challenges of my administrative
duties, and generally enjoying the daily round, I was
concerned about my future, and about the direction of my life.
Here was I, thirty-one years old and what would become of me?
I was still troubled by my white
liberal South African guilt and very concerned about the state
of South Africa, as a result of the many drastic and cruel
apartheid policies.
I
had been regularly attending mass at the local Catholic
Church, where I was friendly with the priests. By 1954, the
National Party had been in power in South Africa for six
years, and the horrors of apartheid were already quite clear.
I thought that it was time for me to ‘do something’, but no
form of political action in South Africa appealed to me. I
wrote to Archbishop Hurley in Durban (a fearless and outspoken
opponent of apartheid for many years – he died in February
2004) and was accepted for admission to St John Vianney
Seminary in Pretoria. I was to start my training for the
priesthood early in 1955.
I
resigned from the Colonial Service, giving the reason, and was
surprised and flattered to be invited to the capital, Dar es
Salaam, where a senior official, both a Catholic and a keen
sailor, took me sailing in the harbour and tried to persuade
me that I could have a valid vocation in the world by staying
on in the Colonial Service. But I had made up my mind, I
wished to be a priest in Zululand, learning Zulu and using my
anthropological background to become
Bernard.
Tanga, 1954 Tanga Yacht Club
involved
in social action in Natal, where I had grown up, as a form of
reparation. (I was ahead of my time: as I write this there are
occasional debates about whether white South Africans should
make reparations, and in what form.)
Then,
in the middle of 1954, everything changed: I met Bernard one
Sunday evening, on the verandah of the Tanga Yacht Club. There
was an immediate and powerful attraction on both sides. A few
years ago, Bernard was recounting the story of how we had met,
and Elisabeth, our German visitor, asked, ‘When you met, was
it Kaboom?’
We had not then heard that term, but I assured her that it had
indeed been Kaboom
– and
it remained so for ever. We confirmed the validity of what
Marlowe wrote (and Shakespeare borrowed): Whoever
loved that loved not at first sight?
Our
memories of our first meeting differ slightly, with Bernard
insisting that we met when swimming at the Tanga Yacht Club,
while my recollection is of Bernard joining me and two friends
on the Yacht Club terrace one Sunday evening. Whatever the
exact circumstances were, we each immediately believed that we
had met our destiny.
Not
long after our initial meeting, Bernard suggested that we
spend our lives together, an idea which at first struck me as
preposterous, impossible. Bernard told me that he had been
searching for years for ‘the other’, someone who would be his
life-long partner. It took me a while to get used to this idea
as a real possibility. I vividly recall long conversations –
one on the beach near the Yacht Club, after a swim by full
moon; another one alongside a remote lagoon, near Tanga. I can
still see the bare branches of the trees, hear the birds, and
recall my own confusion, joy and despair. What was I going to
do?
I
was as divided then as I have ever been, and I became
seriously ill, for the only time in my life. It was, I am
convinced, the result of my inner struggles, trying to choose
between the Church and Bernard. I was in hospital for a week,
with what was diagnosed as ‘ enteric fever’ (a form of
typhoid), being delirious for four days. There had been an
outbreak of typhoid in the district, and I had helped
a nurse to distribute medicines at Korogwe hospital, where I
may have become infected. But I am sure that my mental
struggles weakened me and encouraged the illness. Bernard was
desperate, later telling me, ‘I searched all my life for you
and found you, and then I feared that I had lost you.’ During
the delirium, I remember three visitors, all anxious for my
welfare – Bernard bringing me every day a blossom from the
‘Tree of Heaven’ (bottlebrush or Callistemon),
Ouma, and Harry Gill, the Provincial Commissioner.
OnRandal
Sadleir’s recommendation, the Governor had suspended an
African zumbe
(chief) at Handeni, for corruption, and the chief had sworn
that he would take revenge, threatening that anyone who
opposed him would go mad, or become ill. People were afraid,
because the chief was reputed to have strong supernatural
powers, and witchcraft beliefs were widespread in this
district. Shortly after this threat, Randal suffered a nervous
breakdown, then his successor collapsed with an internal
haemorrhage, and then came my illness. Harry Gill, the PC,
urged me to recover and go back to show the flag, which I was
keen to do. So when I returned to Handeni, one of my first
acts was to drive around in a boyish show of authority,
accompanied by one of the Irish priests, and by Sergeant
Timothy and some of his policemen. We drove in two Land Rovers
to the deposed chief’s village, on the outskirts of which
three policemen were engaged in rifle practice, running about
and shooting into an anthill, to impress the local people. It
seems childish now, but I was pleased by my own show of
supernatural and secular power.
When
I had recovered from my illness, I withdrew my resignation
from the Colonial Service. And on 17 July 1954 Bernard and I
committed ourselves to each other.
We
had to be discreet in our meetings; homosexuality was both
illegal and socially frowned on, especially when – as with
Bernard and me – the relationship was between two equal
partners. Ironically, several colonial officials lived with
young Africans, either women or men, which was tolerated as
long as the relationship was not flaunted.
Tall
and handsome, and at 28 three years younger than I, Bernard
had served four years (1944–1948) in British Army
Intelligence, in what was then termed ‘the Far East’. He had
gained a double honours degree (in geography and geology) at
Manchester University, his home being in Manchester. He taught
Geography at Tanga High School, the only secondary school in
Tanganyika preparing African boys for university. Opposite the
school was a small Indian café which was not frequented by
Europeans. If I was free, I would meet Bernard there at 11 in
the morning, when he had a short break from his teaching. I
recall, with joy, my excitement at seeing him striding across
from the school in his neat white shirt, white shorts and long
white stockings, his face shining with eagerness and love. We
always had the same order – fresh lime juice and newly-made
bhajias
(small fried vegetable cakes). Other ‘safe houses’ included a
Greek-owned hotel on the outskirts of town, where we often saw
another illicit couple: she was the daughter of the manager of
Barclays Bank (probably, after the sisal barons, the most
prestigious commercial figure in the province), he was a
good-looking Greek
Tanga
High School staff, 1953. Bernard second from left in front
row.
motor
mechanic. We would greet each other shyly, each couple buoyed
by realising that they were not alone in circumventing social
disapproval of their relationships. Rather than watch movies
at the gossipy Tanga Club, we would go to the Indian outdoor
cinema, where we were the only Europeans. We saw several
Bollywood movies, including the great musical Aan
which
we watched several times, sitting on the top of the stands.
The
Tanga Club was the quintessential colonial club, with a
mixture of commercial people (from sisal estates, banks,
garages, engineering works) and colonial officials. All
members were white (with an exception made if the doctor were
Asian); it had a very proper and memsahib-ish air, which we
found stifling. By contrast the Tanga Yacht Club attracted a
younger and less formal set, all keen sailors, for whom the
large bay offered grand opportunities. It was a congenial
place, where – as had happened at the Point Yacht Club in
Durban – the few motor-boat owners were much looked down on by
the true yachtsmen. My friend Daphne, a nursing sister (who
later married John Ainley) had the use of a trim yacht
named
Dainty,
which I sailed when Daphne was on duty, with Bernard crewing
for me. We even had the thrill of winning one of the major
races.
We
both loved sailing in Tanga harbour, but have seldom sailed
since, finding it too demanding a pastime in our other
locations. Twenty years later, Bernard and I revisited Tanga,
and found the yacht club little changed, and, I noticed, with
still exclusively white membership. Sailing apparently does
not appeal to Africans or Asians.
As
at my other stations, retail trade in Tanga was dominated by
Asians, with Popat Kassam owning the leading grocery. Shopping
there with Bernard, I spotted some bottles of nondescript
wine, and asked Mr Kassam what the vintage was.
‘Yes,
please?’ he asked. ‘When
was the wine made?’ ‘Oh,
very new, please, all our stock is very new.’
I
balance this tale with one from Rhodesia, where we moved
a
few years later. Early one morning our friend Maire O’Farrell
rushed in to tell us that Haddon and Sly, the main
departmental store, was having a great sale. The new (white)
manager had told all departments that they must get rid of old
stock. In vain did the wine manager plead to be able to keep
his choice vintage wines – ‘No. Everything
must go.’ This sale introduced us to Pouilly Fumé, one of the
first cases of wine that we had ever bought, because we could
afford the sale prices – sixpence a bottle. So Popat Kassam
was not alone in his ignorance.
As
part of my duties in Tanga, I made an official visit to the
eccentric Colonel Boscawen who owned a sisal estate, at Moa,
near the coast, where he had built a house, described by John
Allen as ‘a cross between an English country house and the
Wallace Collection’. There was an extraordinary collection of
paintings and jewels and objets
in the Boscawen home. Unlike other sisal estates, where the
crop usually came right up to the front door, the house at Moa
was enclosed in a small island of shrubs and flowering trees,
with vistas carefully cut to give glimpses of the ocean.
Colonel
Boscawen, a bachelor, encouraged me to visit and to bring
Bernard. We would dress for dinner, wearing shukas
(saronglike
garments) and long-sleeved shirts and sandals. We got up
before dawn to fish, introducing our host to the excitement of
snorkelling.
DWB,
fishing at Moa. 1954 Col Boscawen’s boat, Lorraine
Bakari,
the old boatman, tried to dissuade Col Boscawen from this
dangerous sport, telling him, Je,
wewe ni Mzee, usiendelea (I
say, you are an old man, do not continue). At that time the
coral reefs abounded in marine life, but since then excessive
poaching, including the use of dynamite, has resulted in a
drastic loss.
Tanga
District included a long stretch along the coast as well as
large areas inland, parts of which were in the Usambara
mountains, which were cool and attractive. There was a lovely
old rest house in the hill station of Amani, where we spent
several happy weekends. In 1954, the mountain road passed
through thick forests and we used to stop halfway for a skinny
dip in a clear mountain stream. When Bernard and I revisited
the area twenty years later the stream had disappeared, and
the grand indigenous
Chloraphora excelsa (
African teak) had all been cut down and replaced by stark
stands of exotic trees. Amani had magical associations for us,
both because of our stolen weekends at the hill station, and
also because it means peace
in Swahili. We used the name AMANI
on our personalised number plates on our VWs in California,
and even now my Audi bears the name, a constant reminder to me
of those happy days.
Once
I had abandoned the idea of trying my vocation, and Bernard
and I had established our relationship, I stopped receiving
communion, although I did attend mass fairly regularly. When I
met Bernard he was not a church-goer, although he had enjoyed
his Anglo-Catholic boyhood in Manchester. He did not join the
Catholic church until 1992, but he never criticised my faith,
and always encouraged me to go to mass.
Although
Bernard and I were engrossed in each other, we each had our
demanding duties to do and had to snatch whatever moments
together we could manage. Bernard was not happy in the
hierarchical structure of the colonial education service and
he had an unfair imposition thrust on him, when he was told to
mark 1700 examination papers in geography, many of them
written in Swahili. Although he had a good basic vocabulary in
Swahili, Bernard could not manage this task alone, so he and I
spent many evenings poring over
the papers. By this time I had passed my Higher Standard
Swahili examinations, not a difficult task for me because so
much of my working day was conducted in that language. Bernard
maintained his Swahili, and, right up to his death, our
conversation would be peppered with Swahili expressions.
Beginning with his first note to me, Bernard called me
pen
(his
invention, based on the verb penda,
to love) and always ended his letters with daima
wako (‘yours
forever’). Twelve years later, Bernard was the first doctoral
student in the USA to be allowed to take Swahili as his second
language; he was examined by a Catholic priest, fluent in
Swahili, who set Bernard the task, successfully completed, of
translating a short speech of President Nyerere.
I
was due for five months’ long leave, and in early December
1954 I went to England, and leased a London flat near Marble
Arch, where Ouma soon joined me. Bernard resigned from the
Colonial Service but had to stay on an extra month to finish
his tour. We were re-united in London early in 1955.
LONDON
Bernard
and I spent several months in England, based at our flat in
London but making many trips out to the country – Bernard
eagerly showing me his boyhood haunts, in Manchester,
Shropshire and Anglesey in Wales. Having sold my Land Rover
before leaving Tanganyika, I bought a new vehicle, a Standard
Vanguard van. Although I had been in London for short visits,
I did not know the city well and Bernard was happy to show me
around. He had spent a year at the University of London, doing
his teaching degree and sharing a flat just behind Harrods.
During this time he had walked and cycled all over London, and
he knew the city well and loved showing me hidden corners.
This
was our first experience of what became a lifetime pattern of
enthusiastic attendance at concerts, opera, dance, plays and
art exhibitions. In those days we queued for the cheapest
seats: five shillings to sit in the ‘gods’ at Covent Garden,
and were rewarded by
seeing Margot Fonteyn dance, or Joan Sutherland sing. We saw
John Gielgud and Lawrence Olivier on the stage and we heard
the St Matthew Passion at Southwark Cathedral. We were
fortunate in sharing many of the same tastes, not identical,
but close enough.
Bernard
and I both hoped to stay in Africa, and we considered
relocating to Rhodesia, partly because each of us had family
connections there. My brother Paul and his family were living
in Fort Victoria (now Masvingo) and Bernard’s sister, Eileen,
and her family, together with his mother, lived in Gwanda.
Both our families encouraged us to come, and reports from the
new Central African Federation were favourable. Bernard
accepted a teaching post at Founders High School in Bulawayo,
the only advanced secondary school for coloureds and Asians in
the Federation. We decided that he would test the waters and
inquire about possibilities of a job for me but I would return
to Tanganyika, where I still had a commitment,
DWB
at Blenheim Palace, April 1955 DWB with his niece Deirdre.
London, 1955
until
the picture was clearer. We had a good voyage to Cape Town,
from where we drove in our Standard Vanguard to Durban, giving
Bernard his first glimpse of South Africa. He was enthralled
by the landscape, and horrified by apartheid.
While
we were in Durban, Bernard received an urgent telegram telling
him to go immediately to Founders High School. So he flew to
Bulawayo, and I drove up in the van. I had only two days with
Bernard in Bulawayo, before continuing my journey to
Tanganyika. At that time (June 1955) the roads were good and
there were many comfortable small hotels on the way. It was
much easier then to make this two thousand mile road journey
than it would be today; border posts did not involve the
agonisingly long waits and the brusque, corrupt officials that
they so often do today.
NJOMBE
Back
in Tanganyika, I had been posted to the Southern Highlands
province, with its headquarters at Mbeya. I reported to
Geoffrey Hucks, the PC (also a South African), who invited me
to stay the night at his home, asking me whether I minded
sharing the guest room. My room-mate proved to be Chief David
Makwaia, whom I had met briefly when we were both studying at
Oxford University.
A
few years later David became one of the first four African
members of the Tanganyika Legislative Council.My
new station, Njombe, was considered a desirable posting
because it was at a high altitude, malaria-free, cool, even
offering trout-fishing in the high areas. I lived in a
pleasant stone house situated near the river, half a mile from
the township with the
usual line of Asian-owned shops.
Timotheo joined me, although it involved a harrowing week-long
journey, from Handeni, in different forms of transport. I was
delighted to see him again, and we soon organised a happy and
comfortable household. I thoroughly enjoyed my short – nine
months – stay there.
DWB,
on board SS Umtali.
1955
At
Njombe I encountered a new phenomenon. This was a period when
the Colonial Office was embarking on a series of development
projects, many of them, notably the notorious ‘Groundnut
Scheme’ in southern Tanganyika, being complete disasters
because they were so ill-conceived. The Colonial Development
Corporation (CDC) had acquired forty thousand acres in Njombe
for the planting of wattle trees. It was intended to be a
co-operative venture, with local people contributing their
labour and eventually receiving some benefits. Like so many of
these projects, the main weakness was that the local people
had not been adequately consulted and they were, with
justification, suspicious, and reluctant to participate. One
of my duties was to liaise between the CDC and the local Bena
people; I was relieved when a full-time official was later
appointed to do this job.
Njombe
had the usual up-country colonial club which, by the time I
arrived, was dominated by CDC officials and their wives and
was far too ‘colonial’ for my tastes. Going on safari as usual
provided a welcome relief and I often travelled with Robert,
the bright young Agricultural Officer. Several times we stayed
overnight at a Benedictine mission where we were welcomed by
the two Dutch priests, who persuaded us to play bridge with
them after supper. They were puzzled when we told them that we
did not take advantage of our opportunities to play bridge
every evening.
Going
to the western part of the district involved a long downhill
drive at the foot of which was a large Benedictine mission
complete with school and clinic. When the Sisters saw our
vehicle in the distance, they would start preparing our
welcome, and when Robert and I reached the mission to greet
them, they would offer us a hearty and welcome breakfast. As
good Benedictines, they followed the rule that all guests are
to be ‘treated as Christ’.
My
new DC was fair and efficient but also aloof and remote from
the people. He was more interested in the local birds than in
the problems of the local people, writing two articles about
the birds of Njombe for TN&R.
I was glad when he was transferred and I was appointed as
acting DC, which gave me a new perspective. After my
appointment the Provincial Commissioner wrote to me, in his
copperplate handwriting:
I
know you will be kind to the deserving. I depend on you to
be hard hearted to the undeserving and impervious to cajolery
or threat – both of which are often tried on the new D.C.
One
of my main duties was to promote the local council, chairing
its annual meeting, which determined the budget. We had to
work within strict guidelines: a maximum of forty-five per
cent could be spent on ‘personnel emoluments’, and there was,
of course, a limit to expenditure. I spent three challenging
but ultimately rewarding days considering a variety of
proposals – for expenditure on schools,
DWB.
Njombe, 1956
clinics,
cattle dips, water supply, housing, offices and bicycles. We
listed all proposals together with estimates of their cost and
then had to decide which ones we would select within our
defined budget. Discussions were lively but amiable and, as DC
and chairman, I was never able to push through my own pet
projects if they were not popular with the council. This is
another area where I noticed a great contrast after
independence, when the central government became much more
authoritarian with little participation from local councils.
This seems, sadly, to be almost a universal trend, certainly
prevailing in South Africa today.
When
I was acting DC, a new cadet, Roger Clifford, arrived. He was
very different from the usual rather buttoned-up young
Englishman: having no car, he walked (about two miles) to the
Njombe Club, itself unusual, but – even stranger – he was
accompanied by an African friend. Consternation. No-one dared
to say that Africans were not welcome, but I was asked to
‘speak to Roger’. Instead, I wrote a letter of disapproval to
the Club committee, and resigned from the Club. What a relief.
The Committee made a formal complaint about my action to the
Provincial Commissioner, who ignored it. Roger was a great
companion to me in those lonely days, when I was missing
Bernard. I enjoyed his mocking and critical eye, and he teased
me unmercifully. Yet, when tasks needed to be done, Roger was
quick, bright and effective.
Ouma
came from South Africa to join me in Njombe in November 1955,
and shortly after her arrival a delegation from the
newly-formed Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) visited
the district, led by its charismatic and then little-known
leader, Julius Nyerere. I hosted a reception for them, the
most unusual and exhilarating party I had ever given. I
invited my colleagues, and Nyerere arrived with an entourage
of about fifteen people, young and old, Muslim and Christian,
educated and illiterate. When I introduced Nyerere to Ouma, he
sat next to her and conversed courteously with her for several
minutes, following the general African custom of honouring
older people, and not minding that Ouma had come from South Africa.
While most of the older TANU members sipped their Coca-Cola,
some of the young men much enjoyed my whisky. It was a lively
party, which included any number of serious conversations. As
a result of this party, a general circular was sent from the
Secretariat, telling administrative officers that they should
not entertain any politicians from the new parties. This was a
mistake: none of the officials imagined that Nyerere would
lead his country to independence only six years after our
meeting, and there would have been fewer misunderstandings if
we had had more contact with each other.
The
Governor of Tanganyika, Sir Edward Twining, visited Njombe
twice while I was there. Shortly after my arrival, the DC told
me to go to a remote corner of the district and supervise the
construction of a ‘corduroy’ so that His Excellency
(HE)
could drive over to the next district. I had heard of
corduroys but I had never seen one; they are strips of
branches and logs which are laid over a swampy area to enable
motor vehicles to drive across. Fortunately our experienced
African road foreman soon rounded up some young men to cut the
branches and lay them in the correct fashion. A few minutes
after
Njombe
District Council. 1956
the
corduroy was complete, the Governor arrived in his Armstrong
Siddeley. Out sprang the driver and the ADC, and in no time
they were efficiently offering HE and me large gin and tonics,
complete with ice. I was most impressed by this routine, and
even more impressed by HE’s enthusiastic interest in, and
considerable knowledge of, developments in our district. To my
relief the corduroy served its purpose, the gubernatorial car
proceeding safely to the next district.
Soon
after I had been appointed acting DC, His Excellency visited
Njombe again, the main purpose being to open the annual
meeting of the newly-formed District Council. As was
customary, I vacated my home to allow HE and Lady Twining to
stay there. I held a reception for him, inviting leading
members of the council, prominent Indian traders and my
colleagues. One of these colleagues had an African mistress,
Maria, who was very eager to attend the reception. I could not
invite her in her own right, but ever-resourceful Timo found
the solution, and lent Maria one of his kanzus,
the voluminous white robe, commonly worn by servants. Maria
borrowed a red fez and passed as an auxiliary waiter, happily
handing round drinks and snacks. Only one of my guests
realised who she was: Father Russell, whom I had known and
admired in Handeni, happened to be visiting Njombe, and
smilingly said to me, ‘What an attractive new waiter you have,
David.’
Before
addressing the council on the next day, HE asked me whether I
would like to interpret his speech into Swahili or if I would
prefer to leave that task to his ADC. As a matter of pride I
insisted on doing the interpretation, hoping that I would be
able to cope. After preliminary courtesies, HE grinned at me
and said to the council, ‘Now I am going to put the cat among
the pigeons.’ While I was beginning, Sasa
Mheshimiwa, Bw Gavna, akasema … (Now HE says that …) I was desperately searching in my mind
for the appropriate Swahili translation of this idiom. I must
have found it, because there were no perplexed faces. The gist
of the governor’s speech was that the council must assume
greater responsibility for looking after local affairs.
I
had hoped to spend more time in the mountainous area in the
north of the district but I was able to visit it only once.
Monica Wilson, my anthropology professor at Rhodes, had done
extensive fieldwork among the Nyakyusa of south-west
Tanganyika; she had asked me to check on details about the
Kinga people and their caves, which they built half
underground as a protection against the cold. I was not there
long enough to make systematic inquiries but I did call on the
fish guard whose job it was to look after the trout in the
rivers. He had a lonely life and was glad to see me, insisting
that I set up camp by the river and that I do some fishing.
When I protested that I had never done any trout-fishing he
was delighted and said, ‘Now is your chance; I will teach
you.’ He was a good instructor and I caught a few trout for
our supper. Some of my colleagues, who were stationed at dusty
lowland districts, could not believe that I did not go fishing
every weekend.
At
the boma
the
meticulous Goan cashier, Mr Gomez, took care of the accounts,
making my duties much easier. Mr Gomez, a model of honesty,
frequently complained about the laxity and corruption among
the Native Authority cashiers. Some years later I read an
insightful analysis by a Nigerian political scientist who was
examining the prevalence of corruption in Africa. According
to
his analysis – and this made sense to me – most Africans
viewed the state as a colonial creation and even after
independence it was seen as something alien to them. Most of
them regarded their responsibilities to their own families as
paramount over any duties to the state. Whatever the
explanation, many bright Standard 10 boys who were brought
into government service were, sadly, in prison, having been
convicted of stealing government funds.

Left: DWB writing a report on safari. Njombe, 1956 Above: DC's house.note DWB's Land Rrover,Njombe 1955a
TUNDURU
I
was too junior to be left for long in charge of such an
important district as Njombe, and in December 1955 I was
transferred to Tunduru, a small district three hundred miles
to the south. The roads were rough so we – Ouma, Timo and I –
stopped the night halfway at Songea, where the DC was
expecting us. While we appreciated his hospitality, we did not
find it a comfortable evening: first, when the DC came out to
greet us he ushered Ouma and me into the house, ignoring Timo.
When I asked what Timotheo should do, he said airily, ‘Oh, my
boys will take care of him.’ Leading us into our rooms, he
said, ‘Because you are travelling, you need not bother to
dress for dinner’ – which had Ouma and me giggling later. When
I asked Timo, the next morning, how he had fared, he grimaced
and said it was not too bad. Coming from a distant ethnic
group he would have found the local servants inhospitable. In
the intervening years, the hundred and twenty different
Tanzanian ethnic groups have become much more fused, in large
part through the systematic promotion of Swahili as the
national language, and there is less ethnic tension in
Tanzania than in any of the neighbouring countries.
I
was in Tunduru, my last station, for only five months; it was
the most remote and least developed of all my postings. On one
of my early safaris I visited, on foot, a Yao village near the
border with Nyasaland (Malawi), my purpose being to encourage
the formation of a local council. After listening patiently to
my explanation and urging, one of the elders told me that they
were doing very well as they were and they did not need any of
this council business. I had to
leave that to my successor to sort out. Safaris were exciting
in Tunduru because there was always the real likelihood of
spotting a lion or a leopard in the early morning or late
evening.
One
afternoon I had a visit from the liwali
(headman)
of the village, asking humbly if I would permit them to play
the drums that evening, to celebrate the festival of
Id
ul-Fitr,
marking the end of Ramadan. I agreed readily but asked him why
he had asked my permission. I was embarrassed to be told that
the wife of my predecessor had forbidden any drumming because
it gave her a headache – even though the village was a good
half-mile away. I asked the liwali
if I could join the celebration and he welcomed me; we had a
joyful evening.
After
heavy tropical rains, our local river, the Muhuwesi, was
flooded. On one occasion our three ton GT truck was carrying
prisoners, guarded by a policeman with a .303 rifle. When the
lorry drove over the bridge on the river, it lurched, causing
the rifle to slip out of the policeman’s grasp and fall in the
turbulent waters. That was the version told me by the
policeman, whom I believed. What a fuss that caused. Because
of the fear of firearms falling into the wrong hands (the Mau
Mau insurrection was still going on in neighbouring Kenya)
there was strict gun control. After sending a full report to
the Police Commissioner in Dar es Salaam, I was asked whether
I had searched the river for the missing rifle. I wish now
that I could have emailed a digital photograph of the Muhuwezi
river in full flood: there was absolutely no chance of
recovering the rifle which had probably been shattered into
small pieces. Eventually both the policeman and I were
reprimanded, his explanation was reluctantly accepted, and I
was able to ‘write off’ the missing rifle.
While
I was at Tunduru, the Secretariat in Dar es Salaam decreed
that all stations must observe new office hours: 8 a.m. to
noon, and 2 p.m. to 5 p.m. Because it was a busy time in the
agricultural cycle, the staff asked if we could revert to the
old office hours, 7 a.m. to 2 p.m., which would allow them to
do work on their farms in the afternoon. I readily agreed,
seeing no need to inform Dar es Salaam of
my decision. We were so isolated that we had few visitors, and
none who would object – if they noticed – to the unorthodox
office hours.
In
February 1956 I received favourable news from Bernard about
employment prospects in Bulawayo and, being eager to join him,
I decided to resign from the Colonial Service, this time with
finality. I was offered a post at the Department of African
Affairs in Bulawayo which I very happily accepted. In April, I
travelled to Dar es Salaam, spending a few days with Randal
Sadleir, who had made a complete recovery and who was then
working in the Secretariat.
This
was the end of my colonial period, a formative and memorable
one for me, not least because it had led to my meeting my
destiny, Bernard.
CONCLUSION
I
have made several unfavourable contrasts with contemporary
conditions, especially in regard to official attitudes. I do
not wish to be too judgmental though: we were working in a
different era; in many ways our tasks were easier. The ‘Pax
Britannica’ did
prevail,
within, and between, the artificially constructed colonial
states. Populations, both human and livestock, were much
smaller; expectations were lower; societies were very much
more local than global; media attention was almost
non-existent. (I do not mention this last thinking of
atrocities that were hidden, but rather to point out that the
media spotlight has many and diverse effects.) In short, ours
was a simpler world. From what I have written, it will be
obvious that, while not trying to justify or excuse colonial
rule, I think that, given the circumstances, we did not do a
bad job.
I
was later gratified when five of my former students, who had
all obtained their doctorates in Anthropology at the
University of California, Santa Barbara, and were all engaged
in fieldwork in Tanzania or Kenya, contributed to a Special
Section, ‘Historical Consciousness in Development Planning’,
in the journal World
Development. All
of them had started their fieldwork with some
degree
of the prevalent anti-colonial bias, and all had concluded
that a study of the colonial period offered rich lessons for
present development planners. They realised that many
development problems had already been encountered in colonial
times, and that there was a need for studies which should
include colonial development as an important part of African
History. As Miriam Chaiken wrote: ‘we should not throw out the
good with the bad in our rejection of the colonial legacy’.
I
left Handeni in 1954, seven years before Tanzanian
independence, and was able to revisit the district in 1968 –
seven years after Independence. I was received graciously, and
my path made easier because two men, whom I had helped when
they were schoolboys, were now in senior positions. One was an
Mbunge
(Member of Parliament). The other, the Area Commissioner,
whose duties were much the same as the old DC, told me, ‘Make
yourself at home. You know this place, go anywhere, talk to
anyone, and then see me and let us talk.’
I
had a happy reunion in 1968 with my old friend Zumbe Hemedi
Sonyo, no longer a chief – chieftaincy was abolished in 1963 –
but performing many of his old tasks as Development Executive
Officer. I saw many changes, many developments, increased
staff, twenty Land Rovers instead of just my vehicle, but I
also noticed many similarities. The ecological imperative –
uncertain rainfall, recurrent droughts and famines, hilly
country – still determined much of the development, and many
local social institutions were flourishing. I treasure a
remark made to me by a policeman, when I told him I had been a
DO in Handeni: Haya,
ni nchi yako. Nyinyi mmetangulia, sisi tumefuata. ‘This
is your country, then. You people led the way. We followed.’
1956–1959:
RHODESIA
On
the eve of my departure from Tanganyika, I received a letter
from my Oxford mentor, Professor Evans-Pritchard (E-P), who
wrote, presciently, ‘I hope you won’t be too optimistic about
Rhodesia. All these countries are variants of a pattern, and
in my experience, they are all bloody, not equally bloody, but
bloody all the same.’ E-P also told me, ‘The chap you are
going to work with is, Schapera tells me, most delightful.
Schapera knows him well.’ Rhodesia did indeed prove,
eventually, to be ‘bloody’, and Bernard and I became friendly
with Professor Isaac Schapera, a distinguished social
anthropologist, during his annual visits to the Ashtons, and
again later when we lived in London in the 1990s.
Some
brief history: Rhodesia had been occupied for nearly two
thousand years by the Shona peoples, who form eighty per cent
of the population. The south-western areas are home to the
Ndebele, who had fled from the Zulu warrior-king Shaka,
arriving in their new territory in about 1840. In 1890,
‘pioneers’ from Cecil Rhodes’ British South African Company
arrived, their primary aim being a search for gold. They were
followed by white settlers, who, by 1901, numbered 11 000. A
rebellion, later known as ‘The First Chimurenga’ or ‘war of
liberation’, was harshly suppressed. In 1923 Southern Rhodesia
became a self-governing British colony, with Britain having
rarely- used veto powers, and local whites effectively ruling
the country.

In
September 1953, the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland was
formed, consisting of Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia), Southern
Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) and Nyasaland (Malawi), with a population
of 6.5 million Africans and 200 000 whites. Despite the
valiant efforts of a few liberal leaders, notably the New
Zealand-born missionary Garfield Todd, who was Prime Minister
from 1953 to 1958, the Federation increasingly fell under the
rule of hardliners. When we arrived in Bulawayo (Bernard in
1955, and I the following year) there was still an atmosphere
of cautious optimism, which had dissipated towards the end of
our stay.
I
worked in the African Administration in Bulawayo, where Hugh
Ashton was Director. He was an inspirational man to work with,
an outstanding
administrator who had created the best housing and amenities
for Africans in southern Africa. He had been an Assistant
District Commissioner in Bechuanaland Protectorate ( Botswana)
and was also an anthropologist. He had made a study of the
‘Basuto’ of Basutoland (Lesotho), and I am sure that he
applied his anthropological insights to his administrative
duties, in diverse ways.
Bulawayo
at this time had a population of about 230 000, with 200 000
of them being Africans, the rest mostly whites, with small
numbers of coloureds and Indians. It was a pleasant, sleepy
city, always overshadowed by the capital, Salisbury (Harare),
three hundred miles to the north-east. Salisbury was referred
to as Bamba
zonke
(takes everything), because the government put significantly
more resources into the capital city than into the second
city, Bulawayo – and this has also been true of
post-independence Zimbabwe.
I
was assigned to the new, innovative home-ownership township of
Mpopoma, where I worked under the cheerful and efficient
Superintendent, Derek Cleary. The word ‘township’ refers, in
southern Africa, to low-cost housing for ‘non-whites’, usually
Bernard
and Hugh Ashton in Hugh’s garden in Bulawayo, 1998
Africans;
such places are often situated many miles away from places of
employment, and public transport is usually rudimentary. Hugh
Ashton had persuaded the (all-white) Bulawayo City Council to
undertake widespread improvements in housing, transport and
recreation for the large African population. Bulawayo was
unusual in that it recognised – what should have been
glaringly obvious to all – that a large proportion of urban
Africans regarded the towns as their permanent homes. In most
southern African towns there was an implicit assumption, made
devastatingly explicit in apartheid South Africa, that
Africans were migrant workers who would eventually return to
their rural homes.
The
houses at Mpopoma consisted of a kitchen and bathroom, and
three rooms, one of which was designed to be used by a lodger,
who could gain entrance to his room from the outside of the
house. Home owners and lodgers had to be in regular
employment, and both the lodger’s rent and the monthly
repayments of the house owner were deducted each month from
their respective wages and paid directly to the City Council.
This minimised rent arrears, a major problem
in
other southern African cities. I was proud to show visitors
around Mpopoma. They were usually impressed, and would comment
on the scale (over two thousand homes), the quality of living,
the well-kept interiors and gardens of the houses, and the
happy pride of the owners.
In
2005, having last visited Mpopoma Township in 1981, I was
curious to learn what changes had occurred. I found the
invaluable Google had hundreds of entries on Mpopoma, many
of them, to my delight,
DWB.
Bulawayo, 1958
DWB’s
1956 Rhodesian Residence Permit
dealing
with what is obviously still a lively arts scene: a dance
ensemble is flourishing, as are various arts and music groups.
Other entries are grim, telling of frequent random attacks by
soldiers, police, or ‘war vets’. Bulawayo is the heart of
Matabeleland, which has always been the focus of President
Mugabe’s hate, both because of ancient Ndebele– Shona rivalry,
and also because of the support that the opposition Movement
for Democratic Change has in this area. The Ndebele suffered
terribly in 1982–1984 when, soon after independence, Mugabe
let loose his notorious North Korean-trained Fifth Brigade:
the official death count of ‘dissidents’ – the opponents of
Mugabe and his ZANU-PF Party – was between 10 000 and 20 000.
Mugabe called these massacres of Ndebele gukuruhundu
(‘the rain that washes away the chaff before the spring
rains’).
Visitors
to Mpopoma when we were there in the 1950s included two
well-known writers, James Morris (later better known as Jan
Morris) and Doris Lessing, whom Bernard and I had so much
looked forward to meeting, having read her earlier books,
including This
was the Old Chief’s Country
(1951), and The
Grass is Singing
(1956). I took each of them on a tour of our African housing
and amenities, and afterwards I invited each to our flat for
tea. While James Morris was appreciative and charming, Doris
Lessing refused to be impressed. She later wrote a short
dismissive account of her tour, in Going
Home
(1957) where she was highly critical of all that she had been
shown, including ‘my’ model Mpopoma township. (Her criticisms
led to her being banned from Rhodesia.) Bernard was so
irritated by Lessing’s blindness that he later said, ‘I could
cheerfully have thrown her over the [ninth floor] balcony’. I
admit that her attitude prejudiced me regarding her
much-acclaimed later literary output, but her account
(African
Laughter,
1992) of four visits that she made to Zimbabwe was
investigative journalism at its best.
For
transport I was given a Harley-Davidson motorcycle, having
last ridden one of these wonderful machines during
WW2.
My ‘Harley’ was a convenient form of transportation except in
the rains:
Bulawayo has wide streets crossed at each block by broad dips,
to carry away the rainwater, and I would get drenched by the
spray from passing vehicles. This was a minor discomfort and a
motorcycle was ideal for my frequent tours of the townships.
The
city council, as was customary in southern African cities, had
a monopoly of the brewing of African beer, chibuku,
with large beer halls situated in each township. There is a
rich culture around chibuku
and beer halls in southern Africa (see Colson & Scudder,
1988, for an analysis of the beer culture). Here again Hugh
Ashton made major changes, transforming what had been dreary
beer halls where fights were commonplace, into attractive beer
gardens. The beer, brewed by an expert German brewer, from
maize, millet or sorghum, was served in plastic containers in
order to minimise injuries if fighting broke out. Beer brewing
was a highly profitable business and the profits were
allocated for African welfare and recreation – primarily for
the promotion and maintenance of football teams, as well as a
number of other activities. Under Hugh Ashton’s enlightened
leadership, an Olympic-sized swimming-pool was built, and
pottery and other classes were set up.
The
chairman of the influential African Affairs Committee on the
City Council was JM MacDonald, a fiscally and socially
conservative builder, who later became mayor of Bulawayo. Hugh
Ashton persuaded MacDonald to give his support to
establishing, in Mzilikazi township, a JM MacDonald Hall and
Guild (the proposed names being an effective form of flattery)
for the promotion of arts in the widest sense. I was secretary
of the Bulawayo Arts Council at this time and I could use my
two affiliations to promote a number of activities at the new
JM MacDonald Hall. Merle Park and Gary Byrne, both from
Rhodesia and leading dancers with the Royal Ballet at Covent
Garden, were in Rhodesia on holiday, so we arranged for them
to dance both in the Bulawayo City Hall, for a predominantly
white audience, and then at the MacDonald Hall, where the
audience was nearly all African. They gave a brilliant
performance of the pas de deux from Don
Quixote,
before rapturous audiences at both places.
Before the second performance I received a bitter telephone
call, from a relation of one of the dancers, complaining about
the propriety of Merle and Gary dancing for Africans. In the
event the dancers said that this had been one of their most
appreciative audiences ever.
After
some persuasion and complicated transport arrangements, we
arranged for the Bulawayo Symphony Orchestra to give a concert
at the MacDonald Hall. Although most of the all-white
orchestra members had lived in Rhodesia for many years, or
even for all their lives, few had ever visited an African
township, and certainly not at night. Despite some anxieties,
they all eventually felt reassured about their safety and all
made the journey, dressed in evening suits and dresses – the
distance from the City Hall to the JM McDonald Hall was only
three linear miles, but a thousand miles socially. Again,
classical music was new for most of the audience, so the
conductor made helpful introductory remarks, and the audience
loved it. Another thrilling occasion was the visit of the
Westminster Choir from the USA, which also sang at our two
venues. The young Americans told us that the concert for the
Africans, who were mostly schoolchildren, was the highlight of
their tour.
We
also arranged art exhibitions, the most successful of which
was organised by Pierre Romain-Desfosses, who had established
a workshop at Elisabethville, in the then Belgian Congo, in
1944. This school produced romantic, decorative stick figures,
which became very popular. What struck Bernard and me at all
these cultural events was the readiness of our African friends
to consider new forms of art, in contrast to a distressingly
familiar dismissal of African art, and indeed of most things
African, by the white population.
SHONA
SCULPTURE
Carving
in stone is rare in Africa, the usual medium being wood.
However Shona sculptures from Zimbabwe are now found in many
major museums, and are recognised as one of the most
significant forms of contemporary sculpture. While Bernard and
I were living in
Rhodesia we started our art collection, which centres around
thirty pieces of Shona sculpture. Although they led to my
spending an uncomfortable four hours in the Santa Barbara
county jail in 1975 – as I describe in Chapter 12 – I regard
them as old friends whose company has given us much pleasure
over the years.
In
August 1958, we attended the first Annual Federal Art
Exhibition at the newly-opened National Gallery in Salisbury.
There we met the new director, Frank McEwen, who became a good
friend and a significant presence in our lives. Frank
encouraged African sculptors and painters, but the selection
committee at the gallery preferred classical European works,
and had rejected all but six of the African sculpture
submissions. One of the sculptors who was accepted, Thomas
Mukarobgwa, then working as a cleaner at the National Gallery,
later had a long and distinguished career as a sculptor. Frank
wrote, in an art newsletter, ‘Talking to Thomas, little by
little he taught me about the Shona people, about their
religion,
Frank
McEwen with his African Bateleur (eagle), called ‘Chapungu’
after its Shona name
about
their dance … that man was a tower of strength to me in my
whole life in Rhodesia.’ We could not afford to buy any
sculpture, so instead we made what were our first joint
acquisitions, consisting of a group of small ceramic oxen done
by Tubayi Dube, a domestic worker for ‘a white madam’, herself
an artist, who encouraged him.
My
father died in July 1967, leaving me a legacy, which at first
I intended to use to decrease the mortgage on our
newly-acquired home in Santa Barbara. However, a wise friend
expressed her dismay at my prosaic proposal, and suggested
that I do something more imaginative as a memorial to my dad.
My UCSB colleague Charles Erasmus and I went to West Africa in
the summer of 1968, on a joint research project, so I decided,
with Bernard’s encouragement, to include
a buying trip to Nigeria and Rhodesia, two countries where the
most exciting contemporary African art was being produced. I
hoped to build a good small collection of African art, as a
perennial memorial to my dad, Joseph
Rae Brokensha (1889–1967),
and thanks to the help of my friends on the spot, I succeeded.
S
Ziya: Hyena
on skull |
Douglas
Sande: Spirit
animal |
Photo:
John Senser |
Photo:
John Senser |
|
|
When
I arrived in Salisbury, Frank McEwen guided me round the
National Gallery, helping me to select thirty-two sculptures,
most of which are still in my possession (we gave away a few
to special friends and also later exchanged some with a fellow
collector who preferred more abstract figures, whereas we
liked the more realistic ones). I was able to buy a good
representative set of sculptures, including works by John
Takawira, Bernard Takawira, Douglas Sande, Bernard Matemere,
Joyce Manyandure, Boira Mteki and Paul Gwichiri. We met these
sculptors, in fact we have always tried, where possible, to
meet the artists whose work we have acquired, so that when we
look at it, we have in our mind’s eye a picture of its
creator. As Bernard Takawira said, ‘… if someone likes my work
and they take it with them, it is like a token of saying that
they like me too. And
when
McEwen accepted that piece of sculpture, I feel that I was
accepted by him. I was very happy to hear that he took this
one piece (Baboon
Man)
with him on his sailing trips, after he left us.’
These
sculptors told us that they would look at the stone for a long
time before beginning their carving. Sometimes they prayed to
the ancestors, asking what the rock contained, then they would
‘liberate the image’, which is exactly what Michelangelo is
supposed to have said.
Fidelis Nyahangre: Antbear photo: Cliff Abrams
In
considering contemporary African art, a significant factor is
often the role of the ‘patron’, the person, usually white, who
strongly believes in the value of the art, encourages the
artists – often by supplying materials, and helping with
marketing, exhibitions and sales. Frank McEwen was the prime
mover for theculptors of Rhodesia, effectively aided by Tom
Blomefield on his farm at Tengenenge, by Roy Guthrie at
Chapungu in Harare, and by John Povey, editor for many years
of the influential African
Arts journal.
Frank maintained that he did not try in any way to influence
the sculptors, and they later wrote eloquently about him and
his influence in the 1994 Frank McEwen Commemorative issue of
Chapungu
Newsletter:
He
had an African feeling, he had an African culture … he was not
like the other white people … he was such a good person, he
talked, gently and explained nicely, when he talked to us
about our work … even though he was a white man, to me I would
say that he was the grandfather, he was the one who made all
this … Frank told me to look at my own religion … he was the
first white person whom I saw as a human being. He was a
person like no-one else. You could communicate with him – he
had no problem going into huts, he would sit where men sat,
you could talk to him about the simple things of life.
Whereas, with a lot of white people at that time, they gave
you the impression that they were in another sphere or in
another world. He was a man who understood a lot, about life
and about the things we don’t see around us. He could see
much, much deeper than most of us … he taught me about the
presence of energies around us, the unknown, which is there …
He did reject work, but if he rejected work, I always agreed.
There was a good specific reason why it was rejected. He was
considerate in his criticism … Now when McEwen came here, he
recognised the talent and he provided the atmosphere.
I take an example of a seed … McEwen was the only man who was
able to recognise the seed lying there, he saw and provided
the conditions and off we started. People were sceptical at
first, but Frank McEwen was willing to stake his reputation,
which he had built up over many years, to make the point that
‘here is something’. And that something was us, I am very
happy to say … He is an inspiration to me for what a life is …
he is a man who knows what art is. He is a man who knows an
artist. He is a man who knows what truth is.
These
comments, by sculptors whom McEwen had encouraged, are a
beautiful tribute to his qualities as a human being, to his
artistic judgement and to his mystical feelings. In another
Newsletter he wrote, ‘This art has meaning. This art is imbued
with extraordinary, intense spirituality. It will get in you.
You can’t avoid it. It will get in you and work on you
forever.’ We certainly became more aware of, and more
respectful of, this spiritual dimension of our own sculptures.
The quotations also shed a sad light on the state of ‘race
relations’ in Rhodesia at that time.
In
a similar way, Ulli Beier, Suzanne Wenger and Michael Crowder
in Western Nigeria had, by their enthusiasm, writings and
moral support, encouraged a group of young Yoruba artists. An
interesting question is to what extent these artists simply
painted from within, mining their own rich traditions, and to
what extent their patron’s opinions influenced their work.
SUBSEQUENT
EVENTS
Frank
McEwen eventually tired of the hostility and misunderstanding
which he met with in Rhodesia, and in 1973 he resigned. He
spent the next ten years on his boat in the Bahamas, in what
he called a ‘spiritual recovery’. He and his wife Ann later
lived in a coastal cottage in Devon, not far from his
childhood home. We visited them in Devon, and were again
impressed by his tremendous physical and
spiritual energy: Frank was always the most engaging and
rewarding companion.
In
1988 we arranged to meet Frank at the opening of an exhibition
of Zimbabwean sculpture at the Barbican Centre in London.
After a knowledgeable and perceptive opening address by the
Prince of Wales, himself an enthusiastic and well-informed
collector, the Zimbabwean High Commissioner launched into a
political diatribe against colonialism, describing how the
sculptors had struggled against white oppression – but with
nary a word on the role of Frank McEwen, who was standing a
few feet away. Frank merely shrugged, but brightened
considerably when he was greeted, in a warm embrace, by Thomas
Mukarobgwa, one of the first sculptors to have worked in the
National Gallery. It was touching to see these two old men
greet each other so lovingly, with tears of joy in their eyes.
Frank said, ‘I did not want to come from Devon to London to
see this exhibition, but I just felt that I had to come.’
Thomas later wrote that he suddenly saw Frank, whom he had
last seen in Salisbury in 1973. ‘I just rushed to him, and I
grabbed him – he couldn’t talk. Then he looked at my hands and
he said, “I am sure that these are the hands of Thomas.” Ah …
just in the middle of the gallery. We still enjoyed a lot at
that time. That was the last time I saw him.’
Frank
McEwen died in 1994, and two months after his death a moving
commemorative ceremony was held on the night of the full moon,
at Vukutu. Two hundred and fifty people, including many
sculptors, attended the all-night vigil, celebrating Frank’s
life with speeches and songs.
When
we were living in England in the 1990s, Bernard and I went to
two exhibitions of Shona sculpture. Bernard, with his
background in geology, was always interested in the stone, as
well as in the aesthetics, and we bought some fine pieces in
verdite, including an imposing Spirit
Medium
by Henry Munyaradzi, also known as ‘Henry of Tengenenge’.
Henry was present at the exhibition, so we were
able to talk to him about his sculpture. He embarrassed us by
insisting that he carry the sculpture, which was quite heavy,
to our car. I told him that he was the important artist, and
that I should be ‘the boy’, carrying the piece, but he just
smiled.
Shortly
after we had placed this sculpture in our London flat, we had
a visit from my Australian cousins, Peter and Elizabeth
Brokensha, whom we were meeting for the first time. On
entering our living room, Elizabeth exclaimed, ‘Why! That is
by Henry of Tengenenge.’ We were amazed and delighted that
Henry’s renown had spread to South Australia, but we soon
appreciated that Elizabeth had a wide knowledge of ethnic art,
and that she was familiar with the work of the leading
Zimbabwean sculptors. We also found a lovely chapungu
(Bateleur eagle) by Cosmos Kamhiriri, in golden verdite. We
adopted this eagle as our ‘totem’. And we bought another
Bernard Takawira, Calling
for a missing partner.
After my Bernard’s death, this piece has had a poignant
resonance for me.
One
of our other Zimbabwe sculptures also has a particular
significance for me, though it is unsigned, and not really of
museum quality. My brother Paul presented Bernard and me with The
Cobbler,
when he and Lizzie visited us from Rhodesia in 1978. This is a
heavy piece, and it required dedication to carry it, as hand
baggage, halfway round the world. We liked it because it is a
touching and realistic image of an elderly African cobbler, as
he goes about his shoe-making business with a quiet dignity.

The
Cobbler,
a present from Paul
On
our 1991 visit to Harare we met Joram Mariga, ‘the father of
Shona sculpture’, and bought, at Roy Guthrie’s famous Chapungu
workshop, Joram Mariga’s Gondo
Gwarikari (martial eagle), in the rare and beautiful mauve lepidolite
stone.
We
asked Joram three questions. Firstly, was it a beneficial
spirit? Many of the sculptures represent spirit animals or
birds, and Joram assured us, ‘This is a good spirit, it will
bless your home’ – which it did appear to. The second question
was ‘Would it be alright to leave this quite big piece outside
in our garden in Dorset?’ Joram, who had had experience of an
English winter, assured us that it would not mind the cold.
Over
the years, we had had many discussions with other collectors,
each of us favouring our own particular solution for regular
application to the stone – Bernard and I swore by a
complicated mixture based on linseed oil and turpentine. Our
last question was, what did Joram recommend for keeping the
piece in good condition? He merely said, ‘Cobra is the best.’
(Cobra is a superior wax polish, in common use in southern
African homes.)
We
moved to Cape Town in 1999, where the National Botanic Gardens
at Kirstenbosch, not far from our home, has a revolving
open-air exhibition of Zimbabwean sculptures, including some
impressive large pieces by several of the leading contemporary
sculptors such as Agnes Nyanhongo, Nicholas Mukomberanwa,
Sylvester Mubayi, Bernard Matemera and Colleen Madamombe. I
often took Bernard, in his wheelchair, to see the sculptures,
which we both admired greatly. We bought only one small piece,
Daniel Mariga’s frog, also – like his father’s martial eagle –
in the lovely lepidolite.
We
were relieved and pleased when Marilyn Martin, Director of the
South African National Gallery, and her colleague Carol
Kaufmann inspected our collection, readily agreeing to accept
our Zimbabwe sculptures, and any other pieces they would like,
when I leave this vale of tears. I say that we were ‘relieved’
because museums and galleries are swamped with suggested
donations, with much of the offered material being of
questionable value.
NIGERIAN
ART
During
a research trip to West Africa in July 1968, I visited my
friend the historian Michael Crowder. He was teaching at the
University of Ife in Western Nigeria,
near the new Arts Centre of Ori Olokun, and my arrival
coincided with an exhibition there of contemporary Nigerian
art. So, with the balance of my father’s legacy, I bought
paintings by Twins Seven Seven, Adebisi Fabunmi and Jimoh
Braimoh, all young men in their early twenties. They had moved
to Ife from Oshogbo, an art centre which had been promoted by
Ulli Beier and Suzanne Wenger. These young Nigerians, all
Yoruba, were producing remarkable work which had already
attracted international attention. The exhibition created an
excuse for a three-day party, including a reception at the
opening of the exhibition, with dancers, a Yoruba play and
general merriment.
The
main painting (which cost ten guineas) was Spiritual
Mother a gouache and crayon done on brown paper by Twins Seven Seven. (His name derives
Twins Seven Seven, Ori Olokun, Nigeria, 1968 |
from his being the sole survivor of seven
sets of twins born to his mother.) The title of the painting
refers to the Yoruba belief that when a child dies in its
first week, it is a ‘spirit child’, not a human child, and
that that it will be born again. The painting shows the
Spiritual Mother calling back her ghost children. Twins
explained it to us: ‘She says “Come back,” and they say, “We
want to stay and play with our friends,” but she tells them,
“No, you must come back and you can be born again.”’ This
theme, connected to the high rate of infant
mortality, is frequently expressed in Nigerian literature, for
example in novels by Chinua Achebe and Ben Okri. The latter’s The
Famished Road opens
with a statement by one of the ‘spirit children’: ‘We disliked
the rigours of existence, the unfulfilled longings, the
enshrined injustices of the world, the labyrinths of love, the
ignorance of parents, the fact of dying, and the amazing
indifference of the Living in the midst of the simple beauties
of the universe. We feared the heartlessness of human beings,
all of whom are born blind, few of whom ever learn to see … We
are the strange ones, with half our beings always in the
spirit world.’ |
The
ebullient ‘Prince Chief Twins Seven Seven’ now lives in
Philadelphia,
his highly personal cosmology and mythology having made him
one of Nigeria’s most successful artists. He wrote an
autobiography, A
Dreaming Life,
edited by his friend Ulli Beier, who was the first to
recognise his talent.
Of
the Ori Olokun group of artists who exhibited that day in
1968, only one, art lecturer Femi Ojo, had had any formal art
training; we bought his Arid
Landscape
and became very fond of it. We also bought Jimoh Braimoh’s
bead-andoil painting, Oshogbo
and its Founders.
Jimoh had designed, but never seen, a huge mural on the then
newly-completed Federal Palace Hotel in Lagos. I persuaded him
to accompany me (on a hair-raising drive in a communal
taxi) to Lagos, to see his
mural. I invited him for lunch at this luxury hotel, but we
were turned away by the arrogant (Nigerian) doorman, because
we were wearing open-necked shirts, no ties, and Jimoh was
wearing shorts. I had what Bernard called ‘a controlled
tantrum’, demanding to see the manager, and explaining
indignantly that Jimoh, although he looked like what Nigerians
would contemptuously call ‘a small boy’, was one of Nigeria’s
most distinguished artists, and had designed the impressive
mural on the hotel wall. We were reluctantly given a table at
the back, near the kitchens, but at least Jimoh saw, and
approved of, his mural.
Jimoh
Braimoh: Oshogbo
OTHER
ART
When
Bernard and I were teaching at the University of Ghana in 1961
and ’62, Bala, an itinerant and persuasive Hausa trader, often
called on a Saturday morning, when we were likely to be in. He
would tell his servant to spread out the wares, which
consisted of a variety of rugs, carvings and miscellaneous
crafts. Despite Bala’s
Anon,
Uganda: banana leaf figure of a woman carrying firewood
fervent
insistence that these carvings were ‘very old’, most of them
were modern copies, skilfully executed. On some days, he would
be desperate for a sale so that he could have money to go to
the Saturday afternoon horse races. We bought some pleasing
pieces from him, though nothing of museum quality.
My
friend Dr Oku Ampofo, who was also a well-known sculptor in
wood, gave us two of his wooden sculptures of heads, which
accompanied us on our travels. Alex Kyerematen, who, like me,
was completing his doctoral dissertation in Anthropology at
Oxford University, was Director of the Kumasi Museum, the main
repository for Ashanti art. He allowed me to buy a small
collection of gold weights (small bronze representational and
symbolic figures, originally used for the weighing of gold)
which were superfluous to the needs of the museum. We donated
these to the South African National Gallery, which is
currently building up its holdings of African art.
Despite
our often having said to each other that we really must stop
buying art, because we were running out of wall space –
particularly in our Cape Town home – Bernard and I were
frequently tempted by pieces crying ‘Take me! Take me!’ So we
have some pleasant English landscapes, as well as work by
artists from Kenya (Samuel Wanjau, Thelma Sanders), Uganda
(Jak Katarikawe), South Africa (Selina Makwama, Lucy Wiles),
Israel (Moshe Sokal), and Australia (Mary Dixon Nungurrayi).
These works moved around the world with us, to our different
homes, providing a sense of stability and continuity.
URBAN
ADMINISTRATION
I
had to do some serious adjusting to my new administrative
role, which contrasted in many ways with what I had been doing
in Tanganyika. First, this was very much ‘Direct Rule’, and
not ‘Indirect Rule’. While Advisory Boards did exist, they had
no real powers, and only limited influence, although Hugh
Ashton did all he could to encourage them.
In
Bulawayo I no longer had any magisterial duties, which was a
relief. Nor did I have to represent several other departments
because Health, Education, Water, Prisons, Police and all the
other departments had their own staff. I did still have some
of my old duties as Bwana
Shauri,
listening to people’s problems and complaints, and trying to
sort them out, or sending petitioners to the appropriate
office. Perhaps the biggest challenge for me was that I was
working in a large hierarchy: I had to get used to working in
an organisation where all major decisions had to be referred
up several layers of bureaucracy.
Bernard
and I enjoyed many outings to theMatopos, a game park (now
known as Matobo National Park) about thirty miles from
Bulawayo. The area is rich in wildlife and also has remarkable
rock formations. We encouraged middle-class Africans such as
schoolteachers, nurses and municipal workers to join the JM
MacDonald Guild, which was a largely informal organisation,
set up to encourage African participation in our artistic,
cultural and recreational activities. Schoolteachers were
particularly important as they could bring the children to our
concerts and exhibitions. We were surprised to learn that most
of our friends in the Guild had never visited the Matopos –
being excluded by custom more than by legislation. This was
ironic, since it was an important site for the local Ndebele
people. So we arranged to take the Guild there for a picnic,
which was a great success. Arranging lunch and transport for
forty people was well worth the logistic trouble for the
satisfaction it gave. While our group was happily enjoying our
picnic near the roadside, passing cars of white people gave us
puzzled glances, but we never met with any explicit
disapproval, or insults: at this time
(late 1950s) a similar outing in the southern United States
would have been likely to have attracted an actively hostile
reaction from whites.

Bernard
and DWB. Matopos, 1957
Football
was – and still is, all over Africa – the major sport and
recreational activity, attracting huge crowds and passionate
arguments and accusations. African football was financed (from
beer hall receipts) by the African Administration, and was
managed by a committee, whose chairman was appointed by the
City Council, on the advice of the (African) Bulawayo Football
Association. A senior official in African Administration whom
I will refer to as HH, had a rather academic interest in
football, but fully expected to be invited to become chairman
of this important committee. He was hurt when the Association
requested that Jimmy Woods, a junior official in charge of
various sporting activities, be appointed. HH complained to
the selectors, pointing out that Woods was abusive and
foul-mouthed. ‘Yes,’ they said, ‘but Jimmy comes to our
practices every weekend. Do you? Jimmy also brings his
children to play with our children. We have not seen your
children. We do not mind his bad language, we know that he has
a good heart.’ This ability, found in many Africans, to
recognise true human qualities, and to ignore trappings, has
puzzled many Europeans.
My
colleagues at African Administration included an eccentric and
enthusiastic English woman who taught pottery, and an expert
photographer who gave photography classes, both of them at the
MacDonald Hall. Some of the more radical Rhodesians, both
white and black, dismissed our efforts as ‘band-aids’, saying
that all energy should be spent in gaining the vote for
Africans and in improving economic opportunities. But Bernard
and I preferred to do what we could in our small ways rather
than waiting for a major revolution.
Bernard
meanwhile was teaching geography at Founders High School,
where all the pupils, and nearly all the teachers, were either
Indian or coloured. (I use ‘coloured’ in the sense that it is
used in southern Africa, referring to people of mixed African
and European descent.) The Federation of Rhodesia and
Nyasaland had adopted a policy
declaring racial discrimination illegal. But discrimination
and segregation patterns persisted: for example the few local
cinemas were restricted to white audiences. The play for the
matriculation class of 1957 was Shakespeare’s Henry
V,
the brilliant film version of which, starring Laurence
Olivier, was on locally. Bernard was determined that his
twenty-five matriculation students should see the play, so he
simply bought twenty-five matinee tickets – ‘for my class’ –
knowing that the cinema manager would assume that the pupils
would be white. Realising that there might be the common
tiresome complaint of ‘what about the toilets?’, Bernard and
his colleagues ferried the students to our flat, a few blocks
away from the cinema, so that they could use the toilet before
seeing the movie. (Many whites raised the bogey-man of
toilets, terrified that whites and blacks might have to use
the same toilet! At the crazy height of apartheid in South
Africa, railway stations and other government institutions
would all have at least four separate sets of toilets,
according to ‘race’ and gender.) When the group arrived at the
cinema for the matinee performance, the manager, faced with a
fait
accompli,
reluctantly said the group might come in, as long as they sat
in the – unoccupied – balcony. Bernard said it made no
difference where they sat as long as they could see the movie.
He repeated this procedure for other movies, including
Carmen
Jones,
the film starring Harry Belafonte and Dorothy Dandridge. As
this movie had an all coloured cast it would have been both
cruel and deeply ironic if the coloured students had been
denied access to it. It was a minor victory, but a worthwhile
one.
Founders
High School at that time had no swimming-pool, although one
was built later. The municipal Borrow Street swimming baths
had excellent facilities that were, again by custom,
restricted to white swimmers. Bernard, himself a keen swimmer,
negotiated with the Superintendent to allow his students to
use the pool at certain hours. These may seem like small
achievements, but they were appreciated; it was certainly
better for us to do something than to sit by and do nothing.
Soon
after I arrived in Bulawayo, our joint salaries allowed
Bernard and me to move to a superior apartment on the ninth
floor of James Court, a new block of flats. The architect,
Manfred Berlowitz, made alterations for us in our penthouse
apartment with sweeping views towards the south, where we had
a happy stay for three years. Bernard’s artistic flair
resulted in a dramatically decorated and comfortable home. We
began a pattern that persisted for many years: Bernard did the
cooking, and most other domestic duties, including things
electrical, and I looked after ‘the cellar’, the accounts, our
car (or cars), and this and that. We started entertaining, and
after Bernard’s death a dear friend wrote from Australia,
fondly recalling ‘Bernard’s gourmet dinners’, and our
hospitality. We often drove on Sunday evenings to have dinner
with a colleague and his wife, who did not like to drive at
night. When we asked Fred and Margaret how we could return
their hospitality, they gently rebuked us, pointing out that
hospitality was a circular process, and that we should
entertain others (without concern for reciprocity), when our
circumstances permitted – advice which we followed, and passed
on.
James
Court had two lifts, the one at the front marked Europeans
Only,
and one unmarked lift at the back, intended for tradesmen and
service people, i.e. for Africans. This lift was often out of
order. Bernard and I invited African and coloured friends,
ignoring the insulting – and indeed illegal – sign. One of our
African friends, Mike Hove, later a Member of Parliament, said
he would not mind climbing nine floors to see us, but said,
‘My wife is a large lady, and I cannot ask her to climb all
those stairs.’ The flats were owned by a Jewish family, with
Mrs T having her apartment on our floor and managing the
block. I wrote to her, pointing out that I had been very
distressed to see signs, Juden
und Hunden Verboten,
in a Dresden park, when I had been a prisoner of war in
Germany. I told her of my concern for our African and coloured
guests; I received no acknowledgement, but the offending sign
was removed the next day.
Our
flat was one block away from St Mary’s church, where I
attended mass. I was upset when the German parish priest was
reported,
in the Bulawayo
Chronicle,
as having defended corporal punishment, claiming that Africans
were ‘like children’, and that they could ‘only respond to
physical punishment’. I asked Fr Norbert if he had been
misreported, and when he strongly repeated his views, I told
him that I could no longer worship at his church. He was quite
unconcerned. I started attending the large modern Catholic
church in Mzilikazi, the African township nearest to us, where
I would be one of the very few whites in a sea of smiling
Africans, who always made me feel welcome. The service was
jollier, and the singing infinitely superior. St Mary’s, now a
cathedral, is the seat of the brave Archbishop Pius Ncube, one
of the few in the Zimbabwe Catholic hierarchy to voice any
criticism of President Mugabe.
After
I had been working at Mpopoma for two years, Hugh Ashton asked
me to take the office of ‘Registrar of Natives’, the previous
holder of this post having fortuitously resigned to become a
Member of Parliament in Ian Smith’s ultra-conservative
Rhodesian Front party. At first I protested about the title, ‘
Registrar of Natives’,
but Hugh told me not to worry about that, pointing out that I
would have considerable powers under the prevailing
legislation and that he and I together could make major
changes. The main change was persuading the City Council to
fully accept that they had a permanent African population for
whom they should make adequate provision, and that it would
not be necessary to continue a formal ‘influx control’. For
nearly sixty years the Registrar of Natives had been charged
with keeping control of Africans in Bulawayo and of monitoring
the migration of Africans from rural areas into the city. Hugh
Ashton’s dynamism, energy and influence ensured that we were
able to make the changes.
My
duties included the regular inspection of factories and all
large (and some small) employers, for which I had a staff of
inspectors to help me. One inspector asked me to call on a
troublesome employer, a manufacturing jeweller, whose staff
had complained about being paid less than the stipulated
minimum wage, and not receiving benefits that were due to
them. When I met the employer, I was shocked
to see that his wrist bore the grim tattooed number of a
former concentration camp prisoner. ‘How could you?’ I blurted
out, then applied the full force of the law on him, ensuring
that he complied with all the regulations.
I
need to make two points about this episode: first, I was naive
in thinking, as I did then, that suffering ennobles its
victim, who then becomes more sympathetic towards the poor and
the downtrodden. Second, in Rhodesia, as in South Africa,
there is a distinguished roll of Jews who were prominent in
‘radical’ activities, many of which are commemorated in the
Jewish Museum in Cape Town. But I nevertheless remain puzzled
by the hard-hearted concentration camp survivor; how could he
have reacted in that way?
A
very different employer was Zalie, who owned a shirt factory.
He invited me to make suggestions for improving the lot of his
African workers, but his was a model factory, and I had
nothing to criticise. Zalie was unhappy on one point: noticing
that his workers bought white bread and Coca-Cola for lunch,
he had arranged for them to be served a nutritious lunch (soup
and brown bread) at minimal cost, but the workers protested,
asking that Zalie give them the money instead, so that they
could revert to their old diet. Yet another instance of the
necessity of first asking the intended beneficiaries what
their views are, and not assuming that what you think is
‘best’ for them will be acceptable.
My
main assistant at the Office of the Registrar of Natives was
Francis Ndhlovu, an experienced man, reliable and cheerful,
who did much of his work in the townships, and on whom I
relied greatly. I was distressed when I learnt that he had
been assaulted and was seriously ill in hospital. When I
visited him there, Francis told me that unknown men had
attacked him when he was returning home at night on his
bicycle, leaving him with severe injuries. I imagined that
this must have been politically motivated, because Francis was
a prominent worker for the white-controlled administration,
and as such was bound to have enemies – some Africans would
have regarded him as a traitor, a sell-out.
Some
time later, after Francis had fortunately made a good
recovery, and had returned to work, I discovered that he had
been attacked because he had been having an affair with
another man’s wife. I did not let Francis know that I knew,
and we continued to work well together. It is so easy to jump
to false conclusions, it took me a long time to appreciate
that most events, especially in a cross-cultural setting, are
much more complicated than they might appear at first glance.
My subsequent anthropological enquiries, in different
cultures, have confirmed this.
Ouma
made several visits to Rhodesia, staying for a few weeks with
Bernard and me and then with Paul and Jil in Fort Victoria.
She was quickly accepted by our friends, and was an easy
presence in our household.
Mrs
Rebecca Malane, our charwoman, had a key to our flat. She
would come in every day after we had gone to work and she had
sent her children to school, and would leave in the early
afternoon, in time to be home in Mzilikazi when the children
returned. We saw Rebecca only on Saturday mornings, when we
paid her. The Office of the Registrar of Natives dealt with
the many complaints from employers about their employees, and
vice versa. These of course included domestic workers, and,
with the example of Rebecca, and the enthusiastic help of my
colleague Mary Quick, we set up a ‘ College of Charwomen’. We
took over a small house on the border of the townships and set
it up as a typical ‘white’ home, in which African women could
be trained as chars. We advertised, and
spread the message by word of mouth, and soon had a steady
stream of women hoping to get a certificate confirming that
they had completed the course and were now qualified
charwomen. Mary did a splendid job as principal of the
‘college’; she supervised the women, who did the standard
domestic tasks of cleaning, preparing food, cooking, washing,
ironing, setting tables and making beds. Some women, already
accomplished, would receive their certificate in a day, others
needed a week’s training, and there were a few whom Mary
reluctantly advised to seek other employment, because they
just could not master the strange domestic customs of white
people.

Ouma,
aged 81. Bulawayo, 1959
Our
‘college’ received good publicity in the Bulawayo
Chronicle,
which led to many inquiries from employers seeking to hire our
charwomen. We set a daily wage, the equivalent of a full-time
servant, and although a few would-be employers – some quite
wealthy – protested, most were happy, and many later told us
that it was a very satisfactory arrangement, both for them and
for our ‘graduates’.
On
one occasion, Hugh Ashton asked me to go to Pelendaba, a
home-ownership settlement a few miles outside Bulawayo, to see
Joshua Nkomo, who was already a prominent political figure,
and a leading trade unionist. He was also seriously behind in
his mortgage repayments, which was the reason for my visit.
Hugh had stressed the need for tact, and I was so tactful that
the only result of my visit was a pleasant chat over a cup of
tea, but no immediate payments.
Nkomo
later became leader of ZAPU, a rival political party to
Mugabe’s ZANU, but after independence he joined ZANU, becoming
Vice-President of Zimbabwe. (ZANU, the Zimbabwe African
National Union, became ZANU-PF, the ruling party of Robert
Mugabe.)
Shortly
after independence in 1980, Bernard and I were in Zimbabwe,
ending our stay with a few days at Wankie ( Hwange) National
Park. As we were checking out at the lodge desk, we saw Nkomo
and his entourage checking in. I re-introduced myself to Mr
Nkomo, then grown huge. He greeted me warmly: ‘Yes, Brokensha,
you must come back and help us build our new nation.’ He
obviously did
not remember, or had not minded, my gently chiding him about
his rent arrears.
Hugh
Ashton was instrumental in helping Jairos Jiri establish the
first centre for disabled Africans in Central Africa. Jairos,
an Ndebele man who was not himself disabled, was impressive.
Dedicated and competent, he was also modest, sharp, and
smiling, with a quiet dignity and an unmistakable authority. I
always came away from our meetings feeling uplifted. Today
there are Jairos Jiri centres and craft shops in all the major
urban centres in Zimbabwe, helping thousands of people. When
Jiri died he was given only an obscure burial. President
Mugabe had been criticised for allowing insignificant cronies
to be buried as ‘national heroes’ and politician Edgar Tekere
said, ‘If Jairos Jiri is not fit to be buried in the National
Heroes’ Cemetery, then nobody is.’
Bulawayo
was our introduction to the ‘gay scene’: we soon met a small
group of young gay men, and a few older ones, whom we found
convivial. As many times confirmed in our later experiences,
three basic questions are asked when gay men meet: When did
you realise that you were gay? What was the reaction of your
parents, family, friends, colleagues? Where did you meet?
(applied to couples).
Our
new friends were mostly in their twenties and early thirties,
as were Bernard and I. Homosexuality was illegal, and
homosexual acts could be punished severely, so we had to be
discreet. Fortunately the professional and social circles in
which we moved were more tolerant than the colonial scene had
been, and our friends and colleagues were accepting and
non-judgmental. I am still in touch with three of this small
gay circle, Graham Dickason in Cape Town, David Brodie in
California, and John Burton in New South Wales. It was not
only that we found each other congenial companions, but we
were all insecure enough to need, and to value, the
reassurance: ‘I am not alone, then!’
During
this period we eagerly bought, and passed on, the few gay
novels that had been published. Bernard introduced me to
Mary
Renault’s The
Charioteer
(1954), then we discovered James Baldwin’s Giovanni’s
Room
(1956), and Gore Vidal’s The
City and the Pillar.
I do not claim that any of these is great literature, but all
were important and reassuring to us at this stage of our
lives.
We
did not live in a gay ghetto; we were both involved in a wider
social world, which included the lively and innovative Theatre
Guild, where Bernard played the lead in several plays,
including TS Eliot’s The
Cocktail Party,
Chekhov’s Uncle
Vanya and
Terence Rattigan’s The
Browning Affair.
By the time I arrived in Bulawayo, Bernard had been living
there for nine months, during which time he had met many
like-minded people, and formed enduring friendships.
Bernard
and I made periodic visits, usually travelling together, to
our respective families in Rhodesia. Bernard’s sister, Eileen,
and his mother lived in Gwanda, south of Bulawayo, where
Eileen’s husband was headmaster of the ‘European’ primary
school. My brother Paul and his wife Jil lived in Fort
Victoria (Masvingo), where Paul had a garage and tyre
business. Unless it was rainy season (usually from November
on) the trips took about one and a half and four hours,
Paul’s
daughter Robin. Bulawayo, 1952 Paul’s daughter Judy. Bulawayo,
1952
respectively,
in our old 1939 Chevrolet. We later bought a second car, a
grand 1953 Rover saloon, much more reliable. Many of the roads
were ‘strip roads’, consisting of two tarmac strips; when
overtaking, or when meeting an approaching vehicle, each car
would keep one set of wheels on the strip, the other on the
shoulder of the road. Shattered windscreens, caused by flying
pebbles, were common.
Paul
and I, after our shared war years, never had any serious
disagreements, despite our often very different political
views. Some of Paul’s pals in Fort Victoria were, however,
unreconstructed backwoodsmen, given to referring to Africans
by the pejorative term, munts,
derived from muntu,
meaning ‘a person’. I told Paul that we had many African
friends. and we found this term offensive. Paul told his
friends not to use the term, and they did refrain, even though
they thought that I was being absurd. One would say, ‘… and
then I saw this mu…
– sorry – I saw this African gentleman’, which was regarded as
very funny. I did not mind, and in return Bernard and I vetted
our guest list when Paul visited us in Bulawayo, excluding a
few of our extremely radical friends, who would only have
provoked Paul. Harmony prevailed, at a small price.
We
often combined a visit to
Fort Vic with a drive to the Zimbabwe Ruins (Great Zimbabwe),
seventeen miles to the south, where the huge stone complex
never ceased to fascinate us. In the 1930s, the noted British
archaeologist Gertrude Caton-Thompson had declared that Great
Zimbabwe was ‘undoubtedly medieval in date, and Bantu in
origin’. Later excavations, after World War 2, fully confirmed her conclusion yet
many white Rhodesians refused
to concede that these impressive stone buildings had been
built by Africans, citing as their evidence the pole, thatch
and mud huts of modern Africans. Various dotty theories about
the builders were propounded – that they had been Phoenicians,
Indians, Chinese or Portuguese. Buttressing their refusal to
credit Africans with this achievement was a deep-felt belief
in the inferiority of all black people, which provided a
justification for white rule and for all the privileges which
whites enjoyed.

Bernard’s
sister Eileen with her husband, Ken
Gomm, and their daughters Felicity and
Christine. Gwanda, c. 1957
We
loved these drives to the bundu
(the bush) and we became very fond of the landscapes,
especially when the msasa
trees
(Brachystegia
spiciformis)
were in full colour in October. We became friendly with two
missionary schoolteachers, one a German Catholic and the other
a Swedish Lutheran, and, inevitably, ended up sponsoring some
of their brighter students; for little expenditure, this was a
rewarding action. We received regular reports on our students’
progress, and knew that at least a few young men and women had
a chance of a better life.
Several
times we drove for a weekend to Salisbury, which offered more
varied attractions, including the newly opened Rhodes National
Gallery. Even further afield lay the Eastern Districts, where
we liked to go over a long weekend: friends of ours had a
cottage in the hills beyond Umtali (Mutare), where we took
long walks in the cool mountains, ending with a skinny dip in
the chilly waters of the Pungwe River.
During
our stay in Rhodesia, an Italian company started construction
of the Kariba Dam on the Zambezi River, the second-largest
(after Lake Nasser on the Nile) of Africa’s large dams.
Although I did not visit the site at that time, we followed
developments. My main interest was in the involuntary
resettlement of 57 000 Gwembe Tonga people. Resettlement, and
its associated problems, became one of my main professional
interests when I moved to Ghana. The press, both in Rhodesia
and in Britain, devoted much more attention to the plight of
the animals which had to be relocated. ‘Operation Noah’, which
preceded the building of Kariba, involved capturing, sometimes
tranquillising, and moving thousands of animals, including
elephants. Photographs of this process were of more interest
to readers than images of wretched villagers, bewildered and
traumatised by their forced relocation. The anthropologists
Elizabeth Colson and Ted Scudder have documented this sad
resettlement process over nearly fifty years. When I visited
Kariba in 2004, I attended Palm Sunday mass at the lovely
Santa Barbara church, which commemorates the lives of those
workers – twenty-one Italians and seventy-five Africans – who
lost their lives during the dam’s construction. The Italian
names are recorded in full, but each African is remembered by
only a single name: Mafuse, Tendao, Petro, Johanna …
Among
my few surviving documents from this period is a formal
invitation, from the President of the Bulawayo Branch of the
African Nganga (Doctors) Association, ‘humbly requesting [my]
presence at the Herbalists exhibition and ceremonial dances on
Saturday 22nd August 1959’. This was one of the last township
events that we attended. The programme included ‘Welcome to
guests; Practice of Rootology; An Izangoma
Ceremonial Dance; Sangoma
Drum Dance; Address by Dr Parerenyatwa, if he is present;
Dance Drums’. Sangoma
is
a term widely used throughout southern Africa for a
herbalist/diviner. We enjoyed many such affairs, the drumming
and dancing being much more exciting and more authentic than
most of what occurs today. The laconic ‘if he is present’ is a
nice acceptance f
the unpredictability of such ‘big
men’. One
of the friends we made in Bulawayo
was Willard Rhodes,Professor
of Ethno-musicology at
Columbia University in New York,
and his wife Lillie. We offered
them the use of our James
Court flat, as we were about
to drive south to Durban for
a holiday and to see my parents. Willard, who was studying the
political implications of African music, particularly protest
songs, became a familiar and accepted figure, with his
recording equipment, in the township markets and beer gardens.
He encouraged us to make more frequent visits to the African
markets, where we were introduced to fried caterpillars, quite
tasty and crunchy once one recovered from the initial shock of
facing this exotic snack.
Professor Willard Rhodes, Lillie Rhodes and DWB, Bulawayo, 1958
When
I had joined Bernard in Bulawayo in 1956, we had naively high
hopes for the future of the Federation of Rhodesia and
Nyasaland, and we expected to spend the rest of our lives
there. Two events indicate our high expectations in our early
years there. First, I had kept my anthropology books, when I
was in Tanganyika, thinking that I might someday return to the
academic world, as John Beattie and Meyer Fortes had
suggested. However, having decided, as I thought, to stay in
administration in Bulawayo, I donated my books to the library
of the new University of Rhodesia, where they were gratefully
received. At that time, Clyde Mitchell and Ioan Lewis were in
the small Department of Social Anthropology, which was doing
significant studies. Second, we decided to build ‘our dream
home’, inspired by my POW friend Jake who had built an
impressive stone house, Valhalla, in Bulawayo. We found a
lovely plot in Douglasdale, just outside Bulawayo, and had an
architect friend draw up plans for a splendid stone house,
complete with a freeform swimming pool set among rocks; we
negotiated, through an accountant friend, to secure a loan for
building the house.
Then,
in late 1958, the Rhodesian Government declared an emergency,
arresting scores of African political leaders, and
intellectuals, many of whom we knew. Hugh Ashton, who was
leaving for three months’ sabbatical in the USA, asked me to
make regular visits to Khami Prison, twenty miles north of
Bulawayo, where the detainees had been sent. We could see the
writing on the wall by then, and my visits to the prison
provided further warnings of what was to come. I found the
detainees to be reasonable men, with justifiable grievances,
and I could not see any easy solution.
Among
the detainees was a young poet from Nyasaland, David Rubadiri,
who had been at Oxford, and who asked me for reading material.
I made a wise choice, when I lent him, one by one, my set of
Jane Austen novels, drawing on my own experience as a prisoner
of war, and telling him that he needed to read something that
would take him far away from his prison surroundings. (David
Rubadiri became well known for his writings, and was later
appointed Vice-Chancellor of the University of Malawi. In this
position he criticised the Malawian police for using
unnecessary violence against protesting students.) The prison
governor allowed me to bring small gifts and comforts for the
prisoners at any time, and he also changed the general
visiting hours to include Saturdays, the most convenient day
for the wives of the detainees.
I
felt that I had done what I could to ease the lot of the
prisoners, when there was a major setback. One Saturday, when
I had brought out a bus with many of the detainees’ wives,
another bus arrived, with no advance notice, from Salisbury
(Harare). The leader of this group was a lecturer from the
University of Rhodesia, who imperiously knocked on the prison
door and demanded that his group be allowed to see their
relatives. To aggravate the situation, a prominent member of
the group was a Dutch woman, the wife of an African prisoner;
bringing her was calculated to annoy the (white) prison staff
– although ‘mixed’ marriages were not illegal, they were not
readily accepted by whites. The prison governor refused to let
anyone in, and it took me some time to restore the former
cordial relations. The visitors from Salisbury had made sure
that a press photographer was present, and the event was given
prominence in the British Sunday newspapers. The lecturer
would have said that publicity for the draconian measures, and
the political repression, justified the frustration and
sadness of the wives who could not see their men; I disagreed.
Guy
Clutton-Brock, a saintly agronomist and missionary, and his
wife, Molly, lived at St Faith’s Mission, a multi-racial
institution not far from Bulawayo. Guy was outspoken in his
sympathy with African aspirations,
and in his condemnation of racial discrimination. He was
arrested in November 1958, and charged with treason. During
Guy’s term in prison, Molly suffered a nervous breakdown and
was admitted to a Bulawayo hospital. On his release in March
1959, we were about to leave for a holiday in Durban, so we
offered Guy the use of our flat and of our old and
temperamental 1939 Chev, so that he could be near Molly, who
recovered quickly. On our return, we asked Guy if he had had
any trouble with the car, which was liable to stall at
inconvenient times. He told us that when the Chevrolet
stalled, which happened several times, he would wait, and each
time a few men – Special Branch officers who had been trailing
him – would appear and push the vehicle to make it start. We
also noticed curious ‘clicks’ on our telephone, indicating
that it was being tapped; these soon stopped. A footnote to
this tale is that after Guy died in Wales, in 1995, his ashes
were interred at Heroes’ Acre in Harare by President Robert
Mugabe: Guy Clutton-Brock was the first white person to be
declared a national hero in Zimbabwe.
At
that time it was not possible for ZANU to operate inside
Rhodesia, and Herbert Chitepo, Rhodesia’s first African
barrister, later left the country to become chairman of ZANU
in Lusaka, Zambia. He was killed there in March 1975, in a car
bomb assassination. Chitepo’s death has never satisfactorily
been explained, but a Zambian Commission of Enquiry concluded
that he had been murdered by political rivals. Although South
African and Rhodesian agents were doing all sorts of dirty
tricks in Zambia at this time, there is no evidence that they
were involved in Chitepo’s assassination. President Mugabe
introduced into the schools a controversial ‘Patriotic
History’, which depicts ZANU as operating always harmoniously,
whereas it is well known that it was, and still is, riven by
conflicts, partly based on the six groupings within the Shona
community. Chitepo, who is now buried as a National Hero, has
been called ‘Zimbabwe’s Nelson Mandela’, and many Zimbabweans
still believe that he would have made an excellent president.
By
1959 Bernard and I realised that we had no future in Rhodesia,
and began looking around for a new home. Fortunately, we were
able to extricate ourselves from our tentative building plans;
we later wondered, fearfully, what we would have done if we
had saddled ourselves with a large mortgage, and had begun
building our ‘dream home’. What a nightmare that would have
been.
Our
American friend Lillie Rhodes took charge, encouraging us to
set our sights on academic careers in the USA. She persuaded
Bernard to apply for a Fulbright Scholarship, which then took
him to Indiana University. Lillie told me that my CV was far
too modest, and rewrote it. But that was what was needed; with
the help of Paul Baxter, who was then teaching at the
University of Ghana, and with a recommendation from Herbert
Chitepo, I was offered and accepted
a post at the University of Ghana, in September 1959.
Bernard
and I had agonised about our future: we would, of course, have
preferred to stay together, but this did not seem possible.
Wedecided reluctantly that we should pursue our own studies,
each of us aiming for a PhD, so that we could find academic
positions at the same university in the United States. In the
event, our separation lasted
much longer than we had envisaged, and for several years we
had to make do with only occasional sweet meetings, followed
by long absences; but ultimately it all worked out well.

Bulawayo, 1959. Denise Dowling showing a map of Indiana University to Bernard, who was on his way there.
In
June 1959, shortly before we left Rhodesia, Lillie gave each
of us a US $1 bill (which I still possess, and which I
treasure) and the key of their apartment near Columbia
University, which she said was to be our base if we were ever
in New York. At first I regarded this as a typically
sentimental American gesture, but I actually used the key just
over a year later, on my first visit to New York. While I had
liked and admired the few Americans whom I had met, I never
imagined that I might live in the USA; yet a few years later I
started a twenty-six year residence in California, and later
Bernard and I both took out American citizenship. So we had
very vague ideas about ‘America’ and ‘Americans’, and it was
Lillie and Willard Rhodes who first made us aware of all the
generosity and openness that the United States has to offer –
despite the present aberration of George W and his misguided,
destructive gang.
Later
events in Rhodesia showed that we were right in leaving when
we did. Nyasaland left the Federation in May 1963, to become
independent Malawi, Zambia was on the way to independence, and
the Federation was abolished in December 1963. My Rhodes
University adversary, Ian Smith, became Prime Minister of
Rhodesia in 1964, and in November 1965, he broke away from
Britain in a defiant Unilateral Declaration of Independence
(UDI). Although I have often criticised Ian Smith, I readily
admit that many (black) Zimbabweans now say that they wish
that ‘Smithy’ was back in charge of the country. I also admire
his courage, his outspokenness, and his continuing to live,
modestly, in Harare, without any excessive security. (He
recently moved, for health reasons, to a retirement complex in
Cape Town.)
In
late 1965, I was living in Berkeley, California, and I was
invited to discuss the implications of UDI, together with the
African historian Basil Davidson, on the Public Service TV
channel. Our host asked us how long we thought Smith could
hold out. Knowing that
the United Nations had imposed sanctions on the ‘illegal
regime of Rhodesia’, I solemnly ventured ‘three months’;
Basil, a trifle more cautiously, thought that it might be as
long as six months. So much for the views of ‘African experts’
– which is how the TV host had introduced us: Smith’s
government lasted fourteen years, and it was not until 1980
that Robert Mugabe became president of an independent Zimbabwe
– after a bitter war which resulted in the deaths of 50 000
people, nearly all of them Africans.
During
Smith’s regime, Bernard and I made several trips to Kenya for
our fieldwork, often making a side-trip to Rhodesia, to visit
my brother Paul. The Rhodesian immigration authorities agreed
not to stamp our passports – as they frequently did if
requested – since a Rhodesian stamp would have prevented us
from visiting independent African countries. During these
visits I saw how several countries, notably France and Japan,
were blatantly ignoring the UN-imposed sanctions, as attested
by the numbers of new Peugeots and Toyotas on the roads.
Despite
my having to leave Rhodesia, my three and a half year stay
there was useful, giving me valuable insights into African
urban problems – a good balance to my mainly rural experience
in Tanganyika. Bernard and I made good and enduring
friendships, and our stay prepared us for the tensions we
would soon encounter in relationships between white and black
people in other countries.
next part ~ 
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